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6 JAMES DEBONO BEFORE 2013, attempts to belittle Franco Debono failed to diminish his political per- sona. His witty albeit colourful performance on Bondiplus in 2012 remained ingrained in the popular psyche. One reason for Debono's political survival was that a considerable segment of the electorate actually respect- ed him and identified with what he said. A MaltaToday poll held in 2011 showed that 42.3% of PN voters still trusted him after his abstention in a vote of no- confidence in former Trans- port Minister Austin Gatt. Even after abstaining on a confidence motion in Gonzi's government in 2012, he still retained the trust of 31% of PN voters while his popularity among Labour voters soared from 31% to 44%. Sure enough by bringing the PN government down he also burned bridges in the PN but it gained him enough currency to become the new govern- ment's Commissioner of Laws. But five years down the line and now at odds with Muscat's Labour and still distrusted by a large segment of PN voters, how much political currency does Franco retain? 1. Debono is no longer in parliament and Muscat com- mands an unassailable major- ity for which Debono is not a direct threat. Franco Debono was po- litically relevant because he found himself elected in a par- liament in a situation where Gonzi government enjoyed a one-seat majority. Effectively this meant that Gonzi could not govern without his sup- port and any word uttered by Debono used to send shivers down the spine of the PN es- tablishment. As early as 2009 Lawrence Gonzi, accompa- nied by his wife Kate, rushed to visit Debono in his Ghax- aq home for an impromptu meeting triggered by a walk- out from Parliament. Debono was aware that his power de- rived from his strategic posi- tion, alternating between fury and restrains, effectively pro- longing the government's life to December 2012 when he fi- nally brought the government down in the budget vote. He even left the opposi- tion with some egg on its face when he abstained on a con- fidence vote in January 2012, after weeks of keeping every- one guessing on how he would be voting. Yet in so doing he kept the Gonzi government on life support, thus further weakening it. Debono who is not even an MP does not have any such power over Muscat whose majority in both parlia- ment and the country is unas- sailable. The only currency Debono holds now is his charisma and influence on a category of vot- ers which switched to Labour but may be having doubts. This gives Debono some cur- rency in a PN which has so far failed to resonate with these voters. 2. After 2008 Debono's politi- cal journey captured the mood of a country on the verge of a change in government. Surveys now show that the country in no such mood. Debono represented the an- ger of former Nationalist voters who felt excluded from their party. In many ways he pre- sented them with a personal narrative with which they could identify; the story of bright young lawyer who made it to parliament against all odds, in the hope of injecting new en- ergy in his party only to be ex- cluded by an "evil clique." In one of his recent blogs Debono has decreed the end of Muscat's movement arguing that it has been taken over by a restricted circle bent on purging former Nationalists like him. But so far surveys show very little signs of visible discontentment on La- bour's side. Although Debono may well be reading the first signs of tension in Labour's big tent, his assault may have been premature. 3. In 2013 Debono was a role model for switchers. But his potential to do the same now is hampered by having burned too many bridges on the other side of the Rubicon Debono's only political val- ue at present stems from his own personal story, possibly by presenting himself as a role model for those switch- ers disappointed by Muscat in government. In this sense Debono may carry greater currency for a desperate op- position, which needs credible role models to cultivate a new generation of switchers. The greatest problem for the PN in the past years in opposition is that the few individuals from outside its ranks, which it has attracted, have not brought with them any sizeable follow- ing with them. For example the alliance with the PD sim- ply ended with the PN losing two seats to the new forma- tion without any additional votes over its 2013 tally. Can- didates like Salvu Mallia came back with too much anger to resonate with middle of the road voters. Debono may pro- vide a more compelling exam- ple for those who like him had left the PN in droves in 2013 and may be tempted to come back. But Debono may have burned too many bridges in the PN to be trusted back. These include present day MPs like Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici who was re- moved from office thanks to Debono's vote and Herman Schiavone with whom he had repeatedly clashed. Moreover Debono may come back to the PN with even greater ambi- tions including that of becom- ing part of the party's leader- ship, a prospect that would give the shivers to those who have never forgiven Debono for bringing down the Gonzi government. Debono may also be testing the waters as an independ- ent candidate, hinting at the possibility of contesting MEP elections, as he did before the 2013 elections. But this risks uniting both parties against him and may fly in the face of more grandiose ambitions Debono may have. maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 6 FEBRUARY 2019 NEWS ANALYSIS Five reasons why Franco Debono carries Out of parliament for the past five years, Franco Debono still manages to grab the headlines. But how much political currency does the political maverick hold five years after bringing down the Gonzi government? Franco Debono's only political value at present stems from his own personal story