MaltaToday previous editions

MALTATODAY 13 February 2019 Midweek

Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1081437

Contents of this Issue

Navigation

Page 9 of 23

10 OPINION maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 13 FEBRUARY 2019 France and Italy: a deeper rift over Europe lies behind the current crisis Simon Toubeau FRANCE and Italy are in a diplomatic crisis, provoked by a recent meeting between Italy's deputy prime minister, Luigi Di Maio, and represent- atives of the French Gilets Jaunes protest movement. Di Maio has expressed his support for the Gilets Jaunes as they prepare to stand can- didates in the European Par- liament elections this year. This has caused so much trouble for the French presi- dent, Emmanuel Macron, that the French government has pulled its ambassador out of Rome, accusing the Italian government of making verbal attacks "without precedent since World War II". Di Maio's gesture was the straw that broke the camel's back. Tensions between the two governments – over corporate takeovers, policy towards Libya, and an exhibi- tion Leonardo Da Vinci's works – have been mounting since a new populist "gov- ernment of change" came to power in Italy last June. This latest conflict has soured relations to an unprecedented point. It's difficult to see how they can improve in the near term. Two visions of Europe It is exceptional for two of the founding members of the European Union to have such an open conflict. But it is also exceptional for Italy to have a government that is so openly hostile to the EU. This reveals that behind this crisis lies a deeper rift over Europe. Macron's La Republique En Marche movement is a new- comer on the French politi- cal scene, but it nevertheless represents the mainstream, pro-European liberal centre. Macron poached people from across the moderate left and right to form his new govern- ment. In France, the forces of the populist left (the France Insoumise movement) and right (the far-right party Ras- semblement National) are in opposition. But in Italy, the equivalent forces – the Five Star movement and the League – are in government. There, it is the mainstream pro-European centre that is in opposition. So the French and Italian governments now have very different visions for the EU. Macron has ambitions for deeper cooperation in foreign, military and economic affairs. In contrast, the League and the Five Star movement have been aligning themselves with fellow populist governments in Austria, Poland and Hun- gary, all of which are either promoting eurosceptic views or are in open conflict with Brussels. Elections on the horizon These two parvenus gov- ernments need to give some credibility to their contrasting visions because elections to the European Parliament are now in sight. They have given voters a flavour of the forthcoming campaign, which will highlight the divisions that exist across Europe about the basic nature, purpose and architecture of the EU. The frequent attacks levelled against the French government by the Italian government are thus indirect attacks against the former's pro-EU integration agenda and against the EU itself. The populist parties in the Italian government will be running against each other on separate platforms during the European Parliamentary elections. So they are also cultivating potential allies in the European Parliament. The League is already a member of the right-wing Europe of Nations and Freedom par- liamentary group that also comprises the Rassemblement National. But the Five Star movement has yet to find a suitable political home. It is therefore seeking to embolden movements elsewhere, such as the Gilets Jaunes, that contain populist elements of both left and right. Macron's reforms These contrasting relation- ships to the EU have a direct bearing on domestic politics too. The French president's attempt to bolster Europe has created conflict with the Gilets Jaunes, whereas the Italian government's efforts to satisfy its electoral base has created conflict with Europe. Macron is trying to im- plement a very ambitious programme of economic re- forms. This is a feat that has felled more than one govern- ment in recent decades. Most of the changes are consistent with a liberal programme of structural adjustment that is meant to solve unemploy- ment problems and improve the competitiveness of the French economy while main- taining sound fiscal balances. Brussels has applauded the reforms, but they are contro- versial at home. Macron has been successful in making changes to education, labour markets and pensions – but on those issues where op- position to reform maps onto a newly emerging cleavage between liberalism and pop- ulism, between the cosmopol- itan-liberal-urban so-called "elite" and the national-con- servative-rural "populace", he has struggled. The Gilets Jaunes move- ment was born initially out of opposition to a tax on fuel – principally among people in the rural hinterlands that depend on their cars for their livelihoods. But it has now morphed into a protest move- ment comprising different strands of French society on the left and right. To appease their demands for an im- provement of living stand- ards, Macron has promised handouts and tax breaks for pensioners and low-income workers, jeopardising the government's finances. Rome against Brussels In contrast, the Italian gov- ernment – especially the Five Star movement – is taking an opposite approach to eco- nomic policy. It is promising greater social protection: the preservation of pen- sion entitlements, a citizen's income for the unemployed and greater spending on social services. It is doing this even though the Italian government has, for decades, been confronted by economic stagnation and high levels of budgetary deficits and debt. Both have become anathema in the EU since the Eurozone crisis. As a result, the Ital- ian government has been at loggerheads with the EU over its proposed budget, which it had to revise several times to meet the EU's fiscal sustain- ability criteria. Or take the case of immigra- tion policy, which has been particularly salient in Italy – mainly because of the sheer number of illegal immigrants arriving on its shores. The Italians feel, justifiably, that they have been left to deal with the rush alone. The EU, because it is a large, cumber- some organisation, has been too slow to develop a com- mon approach and to pro- vide Italy with the support it needs. This is something that the Italians – and especially the League – have long been angry about. Along with the disillusionment that Italians feel about membership of the Euro, it now effectively forms the basis of popular resent- ment toward the EU. So the Italian government has re- fused entry to ships carrying immigrants in Italian ports, shifting the problem to the neighbouring French. The French government, facing its own populist op- position to migration, was also reluctant to step up. On this issue, Macron's pro-EU credentials are being tested. Pragmatism vs Populism The French-Italian crisis may abate somewhat after the European elections. But it will only be genuinely resolved if there is a change in the ideological complexion of the government in Italy (or France), or if the EU is able to offer what the Italian gov- ernment is seeking: greater flexibility in the domain of economic policy and greater effectiveness in the domain of immigration. Neither are likely any time soon. The only hope lies in the pragmatism that the Euro- pean Commission and Italian government put on display during their discussions over Italy's 2019 budget. But that hope should be tempered by an appreciation that populism is just as much about style as it is about policy. That style is provocative, confrontational, abrasive, and … popular. theconversation.com It is exceptional for two of the founding members of the European Union to have such an open conf lict Simon Toubeau is Assistant Professor at the School of Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham The Gilets Jaunes will be fielding candidates in the European Parliament elections this year

Articles in this issue

Links on this page

Archives of this issue

view archives of MaltaToday previous editions - MALTATODAY 13 February 2019 Midweek