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18 maltatoday EXECUTIVE EDITOR Matthew Vella MANAGING EDITOR Saviour Balzan Letters to the Editor, MaltaToday, Vjal ir-Rihan, San Gwann SGN 9016 E-mail: dailynews@mediatoday.com.mt Letters must be concise, no pen names accepted, include full name and address maltatoday | SUNDAY • 7 APRIL 2019 5 April 2009 Immigration is 'national crisis', 84% say THE perception of immigration as a crisis is rooted in wild misconceptions regarding the actual scale of the problem facing Malta, a MaltaToday survey shows. The survey reveals that 84% think Malta faces a "national crisis" because of immigra- tion. But 50.4% believe that fewer than 500 migrants have been repatriated or left the island in the past five years. A further 5.7% believe no immigrants at all left the island in the same period. There were 12,500 arrivals of irregular mi- grants since March 2002; Malta has repatri- ated 2,958 immigrants between January 2004 and September 2008, while experts like Mar- tin Scicluna – a government advisor on this issue – contend that in total, over 7,000 have departed, either through repatriation or of their own accord. And yet, only 7.3% of re- spondents think that more than 2,000 illegal immigrants have left the island since then; while the percentage of those who estimate the figure at higher than 5,000 migrants falls to 2.3%. Official statistics also show that while 2,235 are in detention awaiting either repa- triation or the processing of their asylum application, another 2,137 are in open ac- commodation centres. It is estimated that a further 1,000 are at large in the community. This places the number of migrants living in Malta between 5,000 and 6,000 people: con- trasting with the view of 24% of respondents who believe that more than 6,000 irregular immigrants are living in Malta. Just under half the respondents (44.3%) correctly think that the number of immi- grants currently residing in Malta stands at between 4,000 and 6,000. But a staggering 12% believe the figure is higher than 10,000. The survey also reveals that 75% of the Maltese have no contact whatever with il- legal immigrants. Only 25% have ever spoken to an illegal immigrant once in their life. Asked how the authorities should respond to a distress call from a drowning boat full of illegal immigrants, 4.3% brutally replied that the authorities should take no action and let the immigrants drown. A further 55.3% replied that the authorities should offer their help on the high seas and allow the migrants to proceed their journey – something which is technically illegal un- der international law. Another 38% replied that Malta should bring the migrants to Maltese shores to offer them assistance. MaltaToday 10 years ago Quote of the Week An indictment of our political culture Editorial I will, during my term of office, strive to re- duce and if at all possible eradicate, the ten- sions - some more acute than aothers - that still exist amongst us. George Vella's Inauguration Speech as President of the Republic AT a glance, the results of The Council of Europe's Group of States against Corruption (GRECO's country report) on Malta read much like a medical diagnosis of a patient with a life- threatening condition. Although the report is admittedly focused mostly on 'perceptions' of corruption, there is nonetheless enough documentary, case-based evidence to confirm that Malta still lags far be- hind when it comes to transparency, account- ability, meritocracy and good governance. GRECO judged that Malta "clearly lacks an overall strategy and coherent risk-based ap- proach when it comes to integrity standards for government officials." The criminal justice system was 'at risk of pa- ralysis', and a redistribution of responsibilities between the Attorney General's Office, the Police and the inquiring magistrates was required to avoid this situation. "Certain institutions have also turned out to have no real added value after 30 years of exist- ence, such as the Permanent Commission against Corruption: it has handled over 400 cases and the limited data available suggests that it has not achieved concrete results to date." The newly established Commissioner for Standards in Public Life, GRECO added, "cer- tainly deserves a better fate." In a sense, none of this can really be regarded as a surprise. Even the reference to the Perma- nent Commission against Corruption suggests that we are talking about intrinsic shortcomings that have been in place for literally decades. Indeed, the GRECO report tells us more about our national reluctance to ever confront these issues, than about the issues themselves. Perhaps the most striking example concerns the powers of the Prime Minister. "It is clear," the report reads, "that the Prime Minister [has] significant powers over the Maltese State appa- ratus." It notes the ceremonial role of the President, whose powers listed in the Constitution are exercised vicariously through the supremely more potent role of Prime Minister, including the dissolution of the House of Representatives on the basis of the advice of the Prime Minis- ter. Most members of constitutional bodies are likewise appointed on the advice of the Prime Minister: including the Attorney General, judges and magistrates, members of the Public Service Commission, the Broadcasting Authority, and the Employment Commission. The power to make appointments to public of- fices, and to remove and to exercise disciplinary control over such persons, also rests with the Prime Minister. It is immediately noticeable that this coin- cides with a political culture of 'leader-worship' in Malta. If Maltese prime ministers enjoy the plenipotentiary status of the kings and emperors of old… it is in part because we, as a people, have always lionised (and demonised) our prime min- isters along similar lines. Even if the aura of raw power exuded by Dom Mintoff, and later Eddie Fenech Adami, has been somewhat diluted in recent years, there can be no doubt that the leadership cult still dominates Maltese politics today. Consider, for instance, the speculation surrounding Joseph Muscat's pos- sible replacement when (or if) he steps down by 2020, as indicated. It would not be an exaggeration to state that many (if not all) of the report's other conclusions are symptoms of the same cause. For instance, the document highlights the ineffectual conduct of supervisory bodies which are "of little use" since these themselves are "unaccountable and/ or ineffective" given that they depend heavily on the government's authority. "State institutions and the public administra- tion must work in an impartial manner in the furtherance of the common good, and not be a tool at the service of the ruling majority of the moment." The reality, as indicated in this report, is that the balance of power was all along designed to ensure that the Prime Minister of the day retains the final say on any legislative decision. Nowhere is this situation better evidenced than in the degradation of the natural environment. Despite the existence of numerous State regula- tors to safeguard the landscape, it is ultimately government's agenda of 'economic growth at all costs' that calls all the shots: with authorities like the PA and ERA merely rubber-stamping the decisions. It should not really surprise us that this un- wholesome situation – which we have all tacitly accepted, and sometimes encouraged through our unconditional support (if not downright adulation) of our political leaders – would appear shocking and unacceptable when viewed by 'out- siders' to the local political scene. What should perhaps shock us more, however, is our own acquiescence to this state of affairs over the past years and decades. Labour sympa- thisers have a habit of asking their detractors, 'Where were you?' when similar things happened under Nationalist administrations; and the senti- ment may even be understandable, given that so much criticism is directed at Labour, when in reality both parties are equally responsible. But it doesn't lessen the present government's responsibility to make good for the inaction of the past. It is, however, encouraging to note that some of the shortcomings – such as the role of the AG – are finally in the process of being addressed. But unless the reforms have the effect of radically downsizing the Prime Minister's executive pow- ers, any changes risk sharing the same fate as the Permanent Commission for Corruption. We will be left with just another 'tool at the service of the ruling majority of the moment'.