Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1130632
15 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 16 JUNE 2019 ANALYSIS The perception among business elites that the PN was a guarantee of stability and free markets contributed to the idea that it was the 'natural par- ty of government'. The EU issue itself provided the PN with an opportunity of merging a coalition, which included all business organisations in the coun- try. Moreover, under Gonzi, the GWU was often accused of undermining stability and the national interest whenever it took to the streets. This business-political relationship, often tainted by cronyism and suspicious land deals, was inherited lock, stock and barrel by the Muscat government, whose masterstroke was that of wid- ening the net of beneficiaries beyond the more restricted circle in PN times. In 2017 it was Muscat who managed to portray the Opposition as "a coali- tion of confusion." Muscat managed to widen his party's appeal to business without alienating the Labour grassroots, who were kept on board by a rejection of austerity and the expansion of free childcare services, free examinations and even free school transport. In this way the gains of the rich have not translated in material losses for the middle and working classes. But there is a risk that this symbiosis between Labour and big business may become self-perpetuating. Moreover, under Muscat, Labour ignores the 'moral question' increasing the risk faced by political parties entrenched in power, of becoming vehicles for personal careers and business ad- vancement. 4. Despite the bullish attitude of some Labour supporters, civil society has never been stronger The demise of the Opposition has left a vacuum, which is being filled by a more vibrant civil society. One reason for this is that the decline of the PN comes with a silver lining. It is difficult to tag anyone criticis- ing government on issues like the environment as a closet Nationalist plotting Labour's downfall. Civil soci- ety groups, especially those rooted in communities, have even managed to win significant concessions from gov- ernment on issues ranging from the downscaling of the Zonqor university campus, stopping plans for factory ex- pansion in Wied iz-Zring in Zejtun, to a revision of the reviled fuel station policy. Yet their power to challenge the dominant economic model remains a major obstacle. Anger at the recent spate of con- struction incidents may trigger a more populist opposition against pro-devel- opment policies. Easier for Labour to pin down as a faction of the PN, is the plethora of 'rule of law' groups triggered by the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia. These have remained thorns in the side of the parliamentary Op- position, and have failed to make any inroads among the Labour-leaning segment. Their tirades against govern- ment corruption have often been met with unhealthy doses of opprobrium by government apologists on the so- cial media. But even when faced by their vocal and sometimes overblown criticism, the government cannot be accused of restrictions typical of authoritarian regimes in Hungary and Turkey. The worst we have seen on this front was the removal of flowers from the make- shift monument for the slain journal- ist. Although sometimes bullish in denigrating critics, Labour has so far not behaved in an illiberal way and its policing methods have been no worse to the heavy-handed approach in pro- tests organised by groups like Graffitti under Nationalist governments. The removal of censorship in the arts also contrasts with the moral polic- ing of the Gonzi years. And despite the chilling effect of Caruana Galizia's murder, media scrutiny of the present administration remains greater than that of PN governments in the 1990s, which is partly a reflection of a greater pluralism in the media landscape. But the effectiveness of the tradition- al media, also damaged by the Egrant fiasco, could risk being sidelined by an effective use of the social media by government, coupled by the resilience of the party media. All in all, Malta faces similar chal- lenges to those faced by other Western democracies, augmented by the par- tisan grip on power which pre-dates Muscat's government. Whether the challenges will be fur- ther augmented by the super-majority knock-out effect remains to be seen. threat Countries which hold elections but which have had one dominant party Italy Christian Democracy governed with different coalition partners for 40 years (1944-1994) Ireland Fianna Fail was in power (alone or in coalition) for 61 out 79 years between 1932 and 2011 Sweden Social Democrats were in power for 40 years between 1936 and 1976 Japan Liberal Democratic Party governed for 60 years out of 64 since 1955 Singapore People's Action Party has dominated politics for the past 60 years Strongest single party pluralities in Europe (MEP elections 2019) Labour Party (Malta) 54% Fidesz (Hungary) 53% PiS (Poland) 46% Lega Nord (Italy) 34% Socialists (Portugal) 33% Brexit Party (UK) 32% Maltese electoral cycles PN 1962-1971 PL 1971-1987* PN 1987-1996 PN 1998-2013** *Majority lost in 1981. ** 2008 election won by 1,500 votes Size of majorities in post- Independence history 1962 12,228 1966 6,882 1971 4,695 1976 6,303 1981 4,142 1987 4,785 1992 13,021 1996 7,633 1998 12,817 2003 12,084 2008 1,580 2013 35,107 2017 35,280 2019 47,116* *All figures represent vote difference in national elections except for 2019 figure for local elections Joseph Muscat's super-majority co-exists with a vibrant press and outspoken civil society scene that has not been met with illiberal actions as yet