Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1137604
14 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 30 JUNE 2019 ANALYSIS COURT NOTICE The Registrar, Civil Courts and Tribunals notifies that the First Hall of the Civil Court ordered the sale by Judicial Auction of the following property to be held in room numbered 78, nearby the Courts Archives, Level -1, Courts of Justice, Republic Street, Valletta. Date Time Judicial Sale No Property 11 th July, 2019 10.30am 18/17 - EGL Busuttil Karm Rev Dun (ID488059M) vs Zammit Joseph (ID685647M) et a) Garage numbered 2 that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €9,500. b) Garage numbered 14 with its own airspace that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €7,600. c) Garage numbered 22 on the siteplan but numbered 17 on site with its own airspace that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar, valued at €9,900. d) Garage numbered 17 on the siteplan but numbered 22 on site with its own airspace that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €8,600. e) Garage numbered 12 that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at € 9,500. f) Garage 18 on the siteplan but numbered 21 on site that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €8,600. g) Garage numbered 15 that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il- Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €7,600. h) Garage numbered 3 that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €9,500. i) Garage numbered 16 that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il- Għajn, Żabbar, valued at €7,600. j) Garage numbered 19 on the siteplan but 20 on site that can be accessed from a common driveway forming part of an unnamed and unumbered block accessible from Triq Wied il-Għajn, Żabbar. The garage is subject to an annual rent of €500 and valued at €9,100. k) Garage numbered 20 on the Inside the PN Is a class war raging? Adrian Delia's war on the establishment has given way to a bitter battle on social media: his supporters raging against self-entitled snobs out to get their folksy leader, and the rebels hitting out at what they claim is an inarticulate rabble supporting him. Has the PN split along class lines? IT is hard not to perceive the resentment against the so called 'clique' of supporters of PN leader Adrian Delia on so- cial media, a group the blog- ger Manuel Delia dismissed as "small-minded tossers" af- ter Delia's people brandished their pitchforks and accused 'pseudo-bloggers and pseudo- NGOs' (read: Manuel Delia and Occupy Justice) of accelerating the PN's electoral downfall. It is a feeling of class antago- nism that has been amply re- inforced by respective camps. Delia's people says the vote of party members outside the General Council, the PN's highest decision-making organ, is what elected the PN leader, a reminder of their claim for re- dress from the more restricted cohorts of the General Council. The anti-Delians from the es- tablishment reinforce the view that their rebellion is a bid to reclaim the party from a folksy usurper who does not belong to their exclusive club of party veterans. Indeed, Delia's election gave visibility to a PN whose lower middle-class and working class voters, always present on the frontlines of tribal warfare, are largely absent from the public arena of debate. Generalisations apart, Delia's defenders are hardly bereft of articulate commentators or even people who had actively supported Simon Busuttil's anti-corruption drive – even sharing Daphne Caruana Gali- zia's posts. Delia's detractors include people who simply feel let down by the PN leader's lack of competence, and yearn for a fresh start. But it's a battle fought on shifting sands, where today's enemy may well have been yesterday's ally. The cringe factor: From Muscat to Delia It's hard to avoid the similar- ity in the attitudes of the anti- Delia faction, and the way this same elite cringed at Labour supporters and switchers. Too gauche, too brash, too nou- veau-riche, 'chavvy' and 'bogan' – anti working-class monikers from the Caruana Galizia lexi- con. And from this, legitimate concerns on corruption and conflicts of interest were of- ten expressed in a language of entitlement which suggested Labour's greatest sin was hav- ing won the Nationalists' di- vine right to rule. Not even the power of big business itself gets questioned, but the lèse- majesté that old and new busi- ness elites are consorting with Labour. So confrontation came in the form of an attack on La- bour's crassness, with corrup- tion perceived as an inherent evil. The same attitude is now reserved for Delia and his al- lies, often caricatured by their detractors as 'Muscat's secret agents' in the PN; the same par- ty which sinfully, used its pow- er in government to gift land to the Tumas Group practically for free, now lashes out against Kristy Debono for her mis- judgement in meeting Tumas magnate Yorgen Fenech, to ask for a conference room, after the businessman was outed as the owner of the 17 Black offshore company. Delia is not helped when La- bour apologists Robert Mu- sumeci 'defends' his mandate, reinforcing the perception of collusion and weakening De- lia's attempt to steer a less confrontational but strong anti-corruption message. In- deed from day one Delia found a degree of sympathy among Labour voters – who would never dream of voting for the PN anyway, useless in narrow- ing the gap. But Delia's fan base perpetu- ates the stereotype by reacting to attacks on the leadership in the only way they know: raw tribalism that views criticism as an act of betrayal, in what is a failure to recognise that the PN can only survive as a coalition of people with different views. One should not be all too surprised by this. This was the same way the PN has been treating past critics like Franco Debono, after they fell out with the leadership. Delia's effectiveness as leader Seeing what is happening in the PN as a clash between elitists and anti-elitists risks obscuring some very practical considerations. A real question to be asked is whether Delia has delivered anything in the past two years at the helm. Did his anti-estab- lishment promise transform in- to a concrete platform appeal- ing to floaters and a segment of Labour voters? Resoundingly, no. Even if he faced obstacles from the 'establishment', De- lia failed in building bridges to create a solid team around him and presenting a message of change that inspires voters. But evicting him after two years many not be the best an- swer to the current problems if the overriding concern for the PN's voters is party unity. There have been a few silver linings. Delia's criticism of the 17 Black revelation was strong and measured, but to the point. And his criticism of Muscat on JAMES DEBONO DEBONO JOSANNE CASSAR Page 21 "Are exams producing quality students?"