Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1137604
15 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 30 JUNE 2019 corruption issues was in synch with the country's fatigue with endless confrontation. And the PN presented a good and varied team of MEP candi- dates which reflected the dif- ferent nuances of the PN coali- tion, with new faces like Peter Agius, Roslyn Borg Knight, Frank Psaila and Michael Briguglio, even if none were elected in what turned out to be a lacklustre campaign dur- ing which Delia did not stand out as an effective communica- tor. When anti-elitism turns toxic Still Delia's message on immi- gration and abortion increas- ingly sounded like a broken record. In this Delia's perfor- mance exposes the risk of what happens when anti-elitism is expressed by political outsid- ers on the right wing of the spectrum, who in their bid to mobilise the common folk are more likely to pander to prejudice and fear rather than to social justice. It is no wonder that his foremost defender in the parliamentary group is Edwin Vassal- lo, an MP who irrespon- sibly lashes out against educators and spreads fake news on "blood be- ing injected in bananas", without ever being re- buked by the party. Yet neither can one con- sider Delia as a Trump in the making. Delia seemed more busy toying with populism without having any inten- tion or the will to go all the way, except on the single issue of abortion, where the party went over- board in a way which suggests an obsession with women's wombs. A short history of Maltese anti-elitism While perfectly natural that the socially privileged resent any kind of anti-elitism, anti- elitism itself can be a force for greater democracy, but also a factor which contributes to the rise of fascism. The discourse of the far-right in the US and Europe targets the elite, a term no longer re- served for the rich and power- ful but a term of abuse directed against NGOs, intellectuals and the media commentariat. Yet there is also a left-wing anti-elitism which challenges power and privilege. Malta's first anti-establishment politi- cian Manwel Dimech, a former prisoner, lashed against the mediocrity and prejudice prev- alent amongst the masses while directing his anger against the Church and colonial authori- ties for keeping the masses ig- norant. He embarked on the education of the masses with missionary zeal. Dom Mintoff, an intellectual in his own right, spoke to the masses in parables to ex- plain concepts like income re- distribution and the welfare state dur- ing mass meetings. Even in the National- ist party. anti-elit- ism pre-dates Delia. Eddie Fenech Ada- mi was keen on widening his party's appeal not just to a segment of the working class by ac- cepting some basic tenets of Mintoff's welfare state, but also by mingling with contractors from outside the restricted cir- cle of the traditional landown- ing elites. It was when the per- ception of a restricted circle started creeping again under Lawrence Gonzi, that the PN started experiencing trouble as Joseph Muscat made inroads in these disenchanted business circles. Muscat himself toyed with the anti-immigrant card in his early years, and still harks on populist narratives like that of creating a nation of "small rich people". But on occasions Muscat does engage his au- dience on thorny issues like homophobia and racism, man- aging to change popular men- talities in the process. It is in these moments that he comes across as a transformational leader. Delia has, so far, been ineffective in inspiring such changes in the way his sup- porters think. Ironically in a time when words like elitism and estab- lishment have become com- mon currency, social class has been practically wiped out of the political vocabulary of both major parties. But there may still be room for a real an- ti-elitist movement in today's Malta which confronts low incomes and social inequality, and the dominance of big busi- ness. Ironically, it is also those who opposed Delia who – taking a leaf from the latter chapters of Caruana Galizia's playbook – lash out at business elites and the developers' lobby, even if this often comes across as resentment at their collusion with Muscat's Labour and not an authentic critique of the system. Caruana Galizia herself had written articles in favour of golf course develop- ments and only started attack- ing big business when Labour was elected to power. On the other hand, despite his anti-elitist claims, with the notable exception of the Corin- thia deal where he was in synch with the concerns of other de- velopers, Adrian Delia has been over-cautious when confront- ing the developers' lobby. Ultimately, the factional clash between rival PN factions ex- poses the existential prob- lem facing the PN, which is best summed by the question: "what does the party stand for now that Muscat has expanded his party's boundaries deep in traditional PN territory?" Neither are the lines clearly drawn in the current divide, with liberals and conservatives are found in both camps. For example, liberals like Mario de Marco and social conservatives like Jason Azzopardi and Clau- dio Grech are reportedly posi- tioned in the anti-Delia camp, even if they appeal to very dif- ferent constituencies. Even in the unlikely event that the party splits, it is hard to im- agine what will keep each fac- tion united apart from antipa- thy towards the other, which may have become even greater than the overriding antipathy towards Labour. One possible – albeit unlike- ly – scenario could be a split across geographical and class fault lines. But the fall-out from evict- ing the Delia faction into the political wilderness may be even more unpredictable than an outright split, risking a strengthening of Labour by swelling its ranks with a new wave of dejected Nationalists betrayed by the establishment; or by creating a base for a pop- ulist and even more conserva- tive right-wing outfit which panders to the fears nurtured by growing social inequalities, uncertainties and precarious- ness. jdebono@mediatoday.com.mt ANALYSIS New way gone awry: Adrian Delia's anti-stablishment shtick was a defining part of his political narrative when he ran for PN leader. But his detractors have refused to give way, and are now mounting a challenge inside the PN General Council "I see bad people..." - has Simon Busuttil's legacy reinforced a faction's perception on its 'divine right to rule'?