Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1183404
15 Overtaken by history Gonzi was, of course, of a conservative clerical tradi- tion, ideologically opposed to western liberalism, refus- ing to relinquish his temporal power at all costs. But he was overtaken by changes in the universal church itself, when Pope John XXIII reached out to modernity and democracy in Vatican Council II. And it was this very climate of reli- gious détente that paved the way Malta's own Good Friday agreement in 1969: the end of the interdiction that also paved the way for Mintoff's victory in 1971. But the interdict's divisive legacy of resentment was hard to exorcise. And in 1971, Mintoff hurried Malta into its first leap to modernity with the introduction of civil mar- riage and the decriminalisa- tion of homosexuality, but falling short of more substantial reforms like introducing di- vorce, opposed by his own party's rank and file who despite being ostracised by the Church, remained con- servative. The residue of the interdic- tion's resentment deepened partisan rivalries, which re- erupted in the 1980s. Mintoff's creation of a rival power structure to the all- powerful Church had by then turned him into a 'Caudillo' which increasingly exhibited authoritarian traits. And the Maltese Church, though less politically assertive, remained inward-looking, jealous of its privileges. The newly-elected PN government in 1987 was willing to concede it new pow- ers, allowing the ecclesiasti- cal courts supreme authority over the Maltese courts over marriage annulments, a veri- table throwback to the Mid- dle Ages, and this was only reversed by the strength of Joseph Muscat's super-ma- jority in 2013, which came in the wake of the watershed di- vorce referendum. After the watershed Now faced with the most secular government in Mal- tese history, the Maltese Church found itself in a quan- dary. The task of resolving this crisis fell on Archbishop Charles Scicluna, whose for- ays into the political debate were often shot down by La- bour supporters as proof of the Church's historical oppo- sition to the Labour Party. But unlike Gonzi's Church, Scicluna has little political power left to relinquish and is more keen in asserting its moral leadership in a land- scape where it is increas- ingly competing with differ- ent voices, including some even more conservative and intransigent than the Curia's itself. Scicluna himself, recog- nising the relegation of the Church from power-wielder to a dissenting voice, took it upon himself to right the his- torical wrongs committed by Gonzi. Perhaps by blessing the 'mizbla' graves, Scicluna is eyeing a chance to redeem himself in the eyes of Labour- ites who see red whenever he dares criticise Muscat's gov- ernment. Previous bishops had limited themselves to apologise for the pain caused by the interdiction, but Sci- cluna went one step forward by actually blessing the un- consecrated graves. It may well be that Sciclu- na has discovered that it is Gonzi's divisive legacy which cripples his own attempts to turn the Church into a vibrant social movement without fear to speak truth to power, and without any pretensions of reclaiming its temporal powers. Yet, beyond an evident an- tipathy for Muscat (betrayed by Scicluna's tweets on in- consequential issues like the light-fixtures on Castille) it has never been clear in which direction Scicluna's Church is moving and whether rank- and-file clergy are following the more liberal overtures of their bishops. Scicluna is too enlightened to be dismissed as some an- te-diluvian conservative, but he remains too aligned with traditional elites to trans- form the Church into a so- cial movement against growing inequalities and e n v i r o n m e n t a l destruction, a niche which more conservative ele- ments could try to fill. His tweets could betray an anti-Labour bias rather than the mere concerns of a follower of Pope Francis, whose pa- pacy has been anything but apolitical in its advocacy for social justice. This resentment at Scicluna could inform his cautious- ness on social media, possi- bly allowing him to reach out to Labour voters, including those who harbour doubts on Muscat's direction, even though they shun any cleri- cal intrusion in politics. The Maltese Church's own identity crisis may well have left room for a more con- servative fringe, seemingly represented by the cleric Da- vid Muscat, who in complete disregard to Scicluna's firm stance against racism, openly cavorts with the far-right while claiming to represent a folksy revolt against corrupt, financial elites. No surprise then, that while welcoming Scicluna's bold decision to bless the graves, Joseph Mus- cat was quick to remind him of his own internal problem, and clamp down on the anti- immigrant firebrand in his own house. Like Gonzi, the TV-frenzied David Muscat also is keen on keeping Malta frozen in time. maltatoday | SUNDAY • 10 NOVEMBER 2019 ANALYSIS On remembering and forgiving Former Labour minister Joe Micallef Stafrace married in the church's sacristy after being denied a proper wedding at the altar because of the interdiction TO me Archbishop Scicluna's blessing of Guze Ellul Mer- cer's grave was a beautiful and unexpected gesture, because Guze Ellul Mercer's grave is a symbol for all Labourites. I have only praise for this gesture without the need of any qualifica- tions. While the wall separating the u n c o n s e c r a t e d part of the burial ground from the rest of the ceme- tery was removed in 1969, Sciclu- na's gesture went one step further in healing the historical wound after Archbishop Joseph Mer- cieca had apologised for the pain caused in the interdic- tion. The unconsecrated ground in which Ellul Mercer was buried was dubbed the 'miz- bla', something which caused deep anguish in relatives of people denied this final rite of passage. People were divided between 'good ones' and 'evil ones', between those whose place in heaven had been re- served, and those bound for hell, arguing between them- selves whether they had one in the first or second row and us who were destined to hell. It was not just members of the party's executive who were impacted directly by the interdiction, but thousands of Labour voters who had been told that voting labour was a mortal sin. I was the editor of Labour's newspaper Is-Sebh when my family was denied from fully experiencing an important rite in Maltese life. My great- est regret is that my wife had to pass through it. Her bridal dress was sown by her mother. Her family wished to see her accompanied by her father to the altar. Instead we entered the church from the back and into the sacristy. When Yvonne was asked whether she'd take me as her husband she yelled out 'yes', her voice resounding well beyond the thick walls of the sacristy! To add to the humiliation, a group of youths chanted polit- ically charged hymns outside the church. But I make a firm distinction between the duty to remem- ber these events and remain- ing resentful or bear a grudge. Memories cannot be erased, but one should forgive with- out forgetting, and remember without too much bitterness. I was directly involved and an apology does not heal all wounds but one should not remain stuck in the past. His- tory is life's teacher but one should not remain anchored in the past. As time passes, so will the vivid memories of its protago- nists become part of history. People younger than 40 have no personal recollection of these events, although those slightly older may remember being told by the priest not to buy Labour newspapers. It was Auxiliary Bishop Em- manuel Gerada who cleared the ground for the lifting of the interdict in 1969. He had been sent from abroad to look at the Maltese context in an objective way, leading to the Good Friday agreement signed 50 years ago, proclaiming the principle that the Church has every right to say what's right or wrong without using the sword of mortal sin. I am a firm believer in the Church's freedom of expres- sion, and I admire Joseph Mus- cat for recognising the right of the Church to speak out. But I think some people should ex- ercise more prudence in the way they speak out, and be less predictable and more effective in their criticism. As told to Karl Azzopardi EXORCISING LEGACY EXORCISING LEGACY WATCH THE VIDEO