Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1205478
6 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 29 JANUARY 2020 NEWS ANALYSIS Would a name change solve the THE name Partit Nazzjonalista and its emblem, affectionally known as the 'mad- uma' (the slab), remain relics of the par- ty's anti-colonial and pro-Italian origins which now appear to be the source of em- barrassment in European circles where "nationalists" normally inhabit far-right parties. Now a double-barrelled name has been floated by grandee Louis Galea as a pos- sible rebrand for the PN, namely Partit Popolari tan-Nies (Popular People's Par- ty) or Partit Nazzjonali tal-Poplu (Peo- ple's National Party), and though sound- ing less archaic than Partit Nazzjonalista, may not be slick enough for branding purposes. But while the choice of names may need more thinking, by suggesting a change of name Galea is also forcing his party to address a fundamental problem facing it: its inability to give a coherent answer to the question of what makes a Nationalist a Nationalist in 2020. Labour's transformation into a centrist, aspirationalist party has compounded the problem. By pitching to the centre-right when it comes to wealth creation and to the centre-left when it comes to distribu- tion, Labour was able to gain a foothold in what used to be Nationalist territory. It was only a meltdown under the weight of a political assassination, that brought Muscat's edifice down. Yet polls suggest that Labour as a party may have even sur- vived the crisis with only a few scratches. By suggesting a re-foundation under- lined by a new name and logo, Galea is suggesting that it is impossible to reform the party without first redefining its iden- tity. For while changing a party's name risks offending the pride of a declining breed of supporters in a country where party loyalty is a strong component of personal identity, if accompanied by oth- er changes, it may signify the new begin- ning needed for the party to reach out be- yond its shrinking constituency of voters. What makes a Nationalist a Nationalist? The political reality is one where there are many types of Nationalists who co- habit together for different reasons. This is also the case with Labour. But in the PN's case the gel to keep them in the same house seems lacking. For some voters, identification with the Nationalist Party boils down to a 'con- servative' defence of tradition which is consonant with the party's earlier history. This definition may be appealing to those who feel threatened by the civil liber- ties introduced by Labour after 2013 but which would leave social liberals who also have a home in the PN, cold. This conservatism, animated by nostal- gia for a way of life which is being erod- ed, may even be extended to other issues like migration, over-population and even environmental degradation. While con- servatism is generally retrograde and backward-looking, it also comes in dif- ferent shapes and doses, including a more enlightened version, which is not averse to change but seeks to apply some brakes, sometimes even to the free market. For other voters, being a Nationalist en- tails an advocacy of free market econom- ics. While Labour is nowadays far from the advocate of nationalisations, they see free market values being corrupted by the kind of crony capitalism they associ- ate with Labour governments. But such a definition also leaves PN voters with a more social democratic outlook out in the cold. For others, being 'Nationalist' is tied to a strong belief in making Malta 'more Eu- ropean' in terms of democratic standards and upholding the rule of law. But for others, the very notion of being European is tied to the idea of a Latin and Christian heritage which may well make them scep- tical of a more multicultural Europe. So with the party torn by divisions and loyalty to the leadership at its lowest ebb, the only glue binding these different atti- tudes and interests into a united block of voters remains opposition to Labour. But even here things get more compli- cated. Some Nationalist voters simply re- coil at seeing the new kids on the block joining the establishment to which they feel entitled by divine right; while others may aspire to a more abstract meritocra- cy, which leaves those expecting a reward for their support, cold. How the PN lost the popular touch In reality the PN itself includes different group of voters who experienced differ- ent trajectories. While some had their loyalties reinforced by Labour's slip into authoritarianism in the 1980s, others had their political baptism in the EU referen- dum campaign where they came to as- sociate the PN with broader horizons in Europe; even younger voters have come to associate the party with Busuttil's an- ti-corruption drive. As electoral results in affluent districts suggest, the party has largely retained its hold amongst older and tertiary-educat- ed, and generally middle-class cohorts, even if Labour may have made some inroads with their more socially liberal children. But Labour's scandals in office, coupled with outrage at environmental degradation, may have reinforced the PN's hegemony in this restricted bloc, despite widespread scepticism of Adrian Delia's brand of politics. This would point out to the redefinition of the PN as a coa- lition between conservatives and liberals, united by a belief in a more Europeanised brand of politics. Renaming the party "democratic", "civic" or "popular" may be more in synch with the values of this cohort which associates the PN with EU membership than with the struggle for independence. But the PN also includes a cohort of working-class and less affluent voters who prevail in southern districts where the party has seen major losses in all re- cent elections. Traditionally the party owed the loyalty of such voters thanks to its proximity to clerical and profes- sional elites, who were highly influential at town and village level. But the party's transformation into a mass party in the 1980s and widespread disenchantment with Labour's blatant favouritism and thuggish antics in office contributed to the PN's growth among these cohorts. As a minority in Labour-leaning districts, PN supporters who grew up in the 1980s in these areas may be even keener on party identity and symbols. The economic boom of the early 1990s, coupled with greater consumer choice also helped the PN in cementing its ties with aspirational working-class and self-employed voters. Moreover the Eu- ropean dream was later sold to them as an opportunity for social mobility for their children. The former PN minister Louis Galea has suggested the PN gets a rebrand in a wider party reform. Would it solve the party's identity crisis, asks JAMES DEBONO?