Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1211430
14 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 16 FEBRUARY 2020 NEWS Abortion debate: Between progress, Catholic morality and patriarchy APART from Vatican City, Mal- ta is the only country in Europe which criminalises abortion under any circumstances. The provisions within the Criminal Code of Malta have practically remained untouched since their enactment in 1854. Yet, it is a fact that local women travel abroad to access abortion. As the law recognises induced miscarriage as a criminal offence punishable by up to three and four years of imprisonment – for a pregnant woman and a medical practitioner respectively – there are no official statistics on the number of women seeking the procedure abroad. The pro-choice coalition Voice For Choice-L-għażla Tagħha es- timates it at around 300 a year. Although this number is signifi- cantly below the European aver- age (183 abortions per 1000 live births, as reported by WHO Eu- rope), even a possibly underesti- mated figure indicates that wom- en in Malta are no exception and undergo the procedure despite the blanket ban. Celebrated by pro-life groups and challenged by the pro- choice lobby, the special status of Malta in relation to abortion is acknowledged by both sides of the divide. And just as was the case with the divorce and spring hunting referenda, the abortion debate transcends the limits of a practical, if controversial, matter, and enters the domain of identity politics and ideology. Since the ban does not prevent hundreds of abortions per annum from taking place elsewhere, the major goal of lobbying in favour of the current legislation is to keep abortion away from Malta in particular. In a nutshell, a key argument against the decrimi- nalisation of abortion is to pre- serve Maltese national identity as rooted in conservative politics, Catholic morality and family val- ues. Family values and superior na- tional morality Anyone following the debate is familiar with the dualistic narra- tive. While the pro-choice perspec- tive argues in favour of recog- nising a woman's right to bodily autonomy and to ending an un- wanted pregnancy, the pro-life camp insists that life begins at conception and equates termi- nating a pregrancy with mur- der. The pro-choice campaign is treated with much hostility by various segments of the Maltese population. Activists are verbally assaulted; their arguments dis- missed. Delving into the reasons for such vehement opposition to abortion in Malta, anthropologist Rachael Scicluna suggests that in societies where family ties are strong and conservative views on gender roles prevail, the concept of embryo is intrinsically linked to the concept of family. Thus, at a subconscious level, abortion gets perceived as a threat to the very foundations of Maltese kin society and, consequently, ob- jecting to its introduction is a way of defending family values and the status quo. While this hypothesis offers an insight into the pro-lifers' social insecurities, there seems to be another narrative fueling hostil- ity to abortion: a fear of outsid- ers' intentions to dismantle core Maltese values. In response to my request for a comment on the cases of Mal- tese women accessing abortion abroad, Malta Unborn Child Platform refuted the estimate: "We know, for example that around 55 women of Maltese nationality undergo abortion in the UK, but we do not know how many of those women trav- el from Malta or actually reside in the UK. There may be also foreign women, residing in Mal- ta, who go for an abortion in the UK." Bluntly put, the organisation implies that having an abortion is incompatible with being a Mal- tese woman living in Malta. A conspiracy of a sinister for- eign plan to force abortions upon the Maltese is making the rounds in some people's heads and on social media. This is evident in personal at- tacks hurled at the prominent feminists Andrea Dibben and Lara Dimitrijevic, both of whom are Maltese albeit with for- eign-sounding surnames. "Go do Satan's work in your own coun- try!!!" and "go back home and kill your babies" are common responses to their pledges. This conspiracy is also propagated by Gift of Life Malta: according to the organisation, having "polit- ical allies within and outside of Malta" is part of the pro-choice camp's strategy. Asserting that a woman must not be forced to gestate against her will stirs mass outrage. Fe- male pro-choice activists are advised to watch over their own sexuality and assume responsi- bility for the pregnancy, even if it resulted from rape. One of the comments to the LovinMalta article that reported such verbal abuse read: "How many rapes [do] we have in Malta? Very rare The pro-choice campaign is treated with much hostility by various segments of the Maltese population. Activists are verbally assaulted; their arguments dismissed Upholding Malta's abortion ban is a way of asserting national moral righteousness. But what kind of morality does this entail and what does it mean for women? RAISA GALEA Below: pro choice activists in Valletta announce their position on abortion in 2019, and right, a pro life rally in Valletta