Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1216530
In a recent opinion piece, you wrote that the 'two-party sys- tem is finally fraying' as a result of the apparent implosion with- in the Nationalist Party. But a week is a long time in politics: and besides, you yourself point out the PN has come back from far worse situations in the past (eg, after WW2). Are we writing off the Nationalist Party too ear- ly? I don't think so, no. A week may be a long time; but seven years is much longer… and that's how long the PN has been unable to regroup after the 2013 defeat. As for the situation in 1947 – when the PN registered its worst electoral performance ever - that was very specific: we had just come out of a war, in which for three years we had been bombed by people with whom the Na- tionalists had very strong sym- pathies. The circumstances were very exceptional…so exception- al, in fact, that the PN's share of the vote was just 18%. We haven't seen that happen to the Nationalist Party again… and I don't think it's going to happen any time soon, either; because there are constituencies that will continue to consider themselves represented by the Nationalist Party. But the emergence of a split within the PN, also implies a split within those constitu- encies. And the two factions seem to represent different socio-economic strata: with Adrian Delia championing the 'grassroots', against a party 'establishment' or 'elite'. From a sociological point of view, do you see any element of a class struggle in the divide? That's a very good question. You might remember that Jo- seph Muscat's battle-cry, since 2008, has been to 'build a new middle class'. As a result, he might have succeeded in lur- ing the PN's traditionally mid- dle-class support-base over to the Labour camp. This happened partly because there was also huge social mo- bility and change. The Malta we are living in is completely differ- ent from the Malta of 10 years ago… let alone 20, 30 or more. So, something the parties have to cater for in their prognoses, and in their strategies for mov- ing forward, is how to appeal to the new Maltese social realities. And I don't just mean the Mil- lennials: for whom politics is a completely different ballgame. I also mean individuals who are becoming residents of Malta… and who presumably, at some point, will become voters as well. How are we reaching out to these people? Meanwhile, the same political 'split' that you described can al- so be seen to have evolved in the trade union field. Traditionally, the GWU was associated with working class, blue-collar affilia- tion, with a rump of support in the Dockyard. The UHM, on the other hand, was associated more with the civil service, clerical, managerial and technical grades. That kind of division, I think, has also blurred… to the extent that the Dockyard doesn't exist an- ymore, as a stronghold of trade union solidarity. But the GWU still exists; and so does the UHM. Both unions have grown closer to each other: with the GWU attracting more middle-class members, and the UHM more working-class mem- bers… including members com- ing from different political affil- iations, by the way. That is also an evolution of our times. So the class divide is being transformed. In fact, I think we need to ask ourselves: what is the new basis for social class today? I think that race and ethnicity are increasingly becoming critical markers of social class in Malta. How do you see this imping- ing on the PN's predicament, though? Are you suggesting that the party is not reaching out to emerging social classes? Whether it is trying to reach out or not, it is evidently not succeeding… at least, if your newspaper's polls are accurate. Clearly, there is something very wrong with Adrian Delia's mes- sage. He has, so far, failed to en- thuse people with his brand of politics; and I think that part of the reason may have to do with the inability to identify a Na- tionalist Party position on many issues… other than, of course, calling for the removal of people accused of corruption; or calling for reforms of systems that are not working. And fair enough; if a system is faulty, it needs changing… but into what? The PN has not yet given a clear answer to this ques- tion. Secondly, you have to be able to imagine an alternative gov- ernment; and it takes a lot of work for a political party in Op- position to present itself as a being 'on the ball', and ready to take up the reins of power with responsibility. These are areas you have to work at. They don't just fall from the sky… But the PN under Simon Busut- til did try to present itself as a credible alternative govern- ment: by championing the 'good governance' cause, which – given all the allega- tions of the time – made sense, as a political platform. Yet it lost by an even heavier margin. Doesn't this mean that issues such as corruption do not reg- ister too highly among national concerns? You're putting your finger on something that I'm still trying to grapple with myself. How do we explain the voters' response to the allegations of corruption and injustice, that were very much the hallmark of the Nationalist Party's campaign in 2017? To be more specific: how do we account for the fact that in- dividuals associated with those issues got re-elected with huge majorities? [Pause] Is there a 'dark streak' in Maltese culture? I'm posing this as a question, because I don't have the answer myself. But there seems to be a certain 'mock-heroism' associ- ated with individuals who have beaten the system… and who are now getting flak from all people and institutions that are perceived to be 'self-righteous': demanding that we follow the rule of law, etc. In a way, this is also a class is- sue. To give an example: I use public transport quite a lot, and I hear a lot of people talking on the bus… and there is a certain, dare I say 'Trumpian' aspect to it: an underclass revelry, in how these villains keep getting away with it. They are regarded as 'champions'… the 'good guys'… the ones who are unfairly picked on by all these institutions try- ing to bring down 'our' govern- ment… Coming back to the political system as a whole: if Malta's traditional two-party model is indeed about to collapse, as you suggest… what do you en- visage will rise to replace it? With one of Malta's two traditional parties in free- fall, sociologist Prof GODFREY BALDACCHINO speculates on the possible futures of Maltese democracy Towards a one-party democracy Raphael Vassallo rvassallo@mediatoday.com.mt 8 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 1 MARCH 2020 INTERVIEW