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A centrist moderate party Appeals to educated liber- als and enlightened conserv- atives A successful template for a modern centrist party would be building an identity based on clear rules guaranteeing fairness and respect in every aspect of life. This could trans- late the party's anti-corruption stance in to one which is more in synch with everyday prob- lems faced by citizens. This could be reflected in a wide range of policies ranging from the way permits are awarded, to police protection for victims of domestic violence. One risk of this is that of alienating a vast segment of the electorate, which still regards political par- ties as sources of patronage. The PN can distinguish itself from the more bullish style adopted by Labour leaders, by opting for a 'bridge builder' as leader who is able to appeal to the sensibilities of moderates in both liberal and conservative camps. A programme based on fair rules may also appeal to businessmen who resent favouritism, even if they may have different expectations when their party is elected to power. The election of an as- sertive but reassuring woman leader similar to Germany's Angela Merkel whose party is able to govern with the Social Democrats on a national lev- el, and in various regions with the Greens, could signal this change. Both Therese Comod- ini Cachia and Roberta Metsola (left) may fit the profile required for leading a modern centrist party. A conservative populist party Appeals to the Edwin Vas- sallo fan, beneficiary of past favours Here the role model would be the Polish Law and Justice party: upholding tradition, lashing against social liber- alism and immigration alike while advocating social poli- cies rewarding traditional fam- ilies. In this way the PN may try to drive a wedge in La- bour's own conserva- tive wing. This may also be coupled by a strong emphasis on tribal identity which may be appealing to voters seeking a greater sense of belonging in the par- ty. But the greatest risk of such a turn would be the complete estrangement not just of the cohort of socially liberal voters but also Christian democrat- ic voters who empathise with migrants. In short, instead of broadening its coalition, the PN would end up further re- stricting its appeal in its bid to define a strong but flawed identity. A conservative-lite party Appeals to enlightened conservatives, the Edwin Vassallo fan base and a segment of Daphne shrine warriors The party may retain its conservative appeal without threatening already estab- lished civil rights while em- barking on a more ambitious social and economic policy which widen its appeal to other constituencies. One would ex- pect such a party to be more vocal against abortion and cannabis legalisa- tion but also to empha- sise urban regeneration programmes and the 'big society' model in welfare. Pro- spective leaders like Claudio Grech may also address concerns on immigration by sounding more hawkish without overtly pandering to rac- ist sentiments. Bernard Grech, an anti-divorce campaigner in 2012 who now seems bent on reaching out beyond this restricted constituency, may also take the party in such a direction. He is also respected among followers of Daphne Caruana Galizia, having spo- ken in one of the vigils held last June. One international reference for the PN could be the Austri- an Christian D e m o c r a t s who, led by Sebastian Kurz, became more hawkish on im- migration while be- coming very keen on ecological reconver- sion of the economy, after dropping an alli- ance with the far-right in favour of one with the Greens. A pro-business low-tax party Appeals to the troubled business owners One possible option would be for the party to renew its ap- peal among small and medium businesses by reaffirming the party's historical commitment to tax cuts, as had been the case both when Fenech Adami was elected in 1987 and under Gonzi on the eve of the 2008 election. Still cutting tax reve- nue further will most likely un- dermine investment in public services, which may be vital for a Green New Deal. Instead the party may opt for a carrot-and- stick approach, promising gen- erous incentives to ecological investments and to businesses who pay a living wage. While a lurch to regressive taxation is likely to further restrict the party's appeal, the party may present proposals that recon- cile the different aspirations of different social groups and classes. But the party still lacks a strong person- ality with credentials in finance and eco- nomics, who can either lead it or strengthen the appeal of the new leader as Edward Sci- cluna did to Muscat. The civil society party Appeals to civil society re- bel, educated liberal and a segment of Daphne shrine warriors Just as Labour under Joseph Muscat moved to the cen- tre-right to outflank the PN, the PN may re-invent itself as a centrist party, which looks towards the left. In this way it could appeal to a wide co- alition of voters, retaining its traditional voters especially among enlightened conserv- atives who are cautious but not averse to change, while opening up to the various civil society movements campaign- ing for environmental protec- tion, good governance, gender equality and social justice. Young Gudja councillor Mark Anthony Sammut, an engineer by profession, has gained re- spect among activists hailing from various groups, which participated in the Decem- ber protests and may be best placed to open up the party to a new generation of civil socie- ty activists. But this is bound to result in tensions and contra- dictions as the party struggles to present a platform which is appealing to a broad range of voters and which it can imple- ment if elected to power. As a traditionally centre-right party the PN also has to appeal to businesspeople and conserva- tives, and even civil society it- self includes different nuances. Moreover, while civil society is very visible in the media, it may be detached from the concerns of voters with every- day life priorities. leader. The civil society rebel Young, educated in the human- ities and rebellious, she had her political baptism of fire during civil society protests in Decem- ber. Originally was not a fan of Daphne Caruana Galizia but now considers her a hero, a vic- tim of what increasingly looks to her like as a mafia-state mur- der. Stands opposed to Gozo tunnel and mega-projects and is viscerally anti-racist. Agrees with Graffitti on most issues and supports all their crowd- funding initiatives. Never iden- tified with Nationalist Party before but now would vote for anything with a semblance of decency to ensure a change of government. But Delia simply does not inspire her. 13 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 26 JULY 2020 NEWS Different models the PN may follow Sebastian Kurz: hawkish on immigration but keen on ecology Merkel: coalition builder Conservative-lite: Claudio Grech and Bernard Grech Gudja local councillor Mark Anthony Sammut has made forays with civil society activists