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9 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 9 DECEMBER 2020 NEWS dominate the headlines… not the elections in a way which suggests that protago- nists like Keith Schembri, Konrad Mizzi and Nexia BT no longer enjoy impunity for their actions. Surely this is bound to be a tortuous process which could end up disappointing Muscat critics even because of the sheer difficulty of prov- ing suspicions of money laundering or obstruction to justice; on the other hand, loyalists might feel that Abela has succumbed to the "rule of law" crowd, by "attacking" some of their own. By unleashing this process, Abela suc- ceeded in slowly eroding the support for the so-called Panama gang, with the notable exception of Muscat, who re- mains a force to be reckoned with. The problems for Abela will start the mo- ment investigations start to raise ques- tions on Muscat himself. But that mo- ment may remain elusive, especially in the absence of any trail linking him to Mizzi or Schembri. Muscat's own tes- timony suggests no willingness on his part to sacrifice his own political legacy to defend them. Ultimately Abela knows that only an electoral mandate can give him the free hand in his party to mould it in his im- age. Until that day he needs to keep a 'movement' of both Muscat loyalists and people who are increasingly un- comfortable with his legacy, united. He can do so simply by ignoring Mus- cat and shift political debate from the Panama saga to Labour's management of the economy during COVID-19. In doing so he will appropriate and praise Muscat's legacy, which left him enough money in the state coffers to avoid dif- ficult choices during the pandemic. Most likely, Abela will ask the elector- ate to reward his handling of the post COVID-19 recovery. One major bal- ancing act will be restoring a semblance of socialist policies and environmental sustainability, with his overriding con- cern of keeping big business on board. Grech's realisation On the opposite side, Bernard Grech too may have little interest in replicat- ing the 2017 debacle, by trying to link Abela to Muscat. Polls so far suggest that Grech has won back the support of the anti-Delia faction while retain- ing the support of those who supported Delia. Yet this brings Grech back to the same level of support enjoyed by Si- mon Busuttil. To narrow the gap Grech needs to win back the support of people who voted for Muscat's party in 2013 and 2017. So while one would expect the PN to capitalise on any revelation of impropriety or corruption from the Muscat era and to press on for an in- vestigation of the Electrogas and Vitals deals, Grech is already showing signs of prioritising bread and butter issues and modernising the party in a way which can keep liberals and enlightened con- servatives on board. Moreover, Grech has one notable ad- vantage over Delia: he does not have to constantly prove his anti-corruption credentials with the Daphne crowd, simply because he enjoys their trust. This gives him a free hand in setting strategic priorities, like focusing on Gozo as a battleground district and pre-empting Abela by proposing the removal of the four-year waiting time for divorce, in a bid to exorcize his own conservative past. Yet to get there, Grech may have to compromise with powerful lobbies, in- cluding developers and hunters, which are resented by many vocal Labour crit- ics. Even any overtures to old PN dis- trict heavyweights may also erode his commitment to good governance. Yet to narrow the gap Grech has either to win back former PN voters captivated by Muscat's shift to 'business as usual' politics, or Labour voters alienated by the shift to pro-business policies. He may end trying to do both at the risk of sounding inconsistent, to the extent that he was criticised by Abela for op- posing residential development at Hal- Ferh on land granted to business inter- ests by the Gonzi administration. The return of civil society? Maltese civil society, whose protests were crucial in the downfall of the Muscat government last year, may end up filling the gap, keeping watch not just on Muscat but also on the blurred lines between big business, politicians and organised crime which ultimately created the climate for Daphne Caru- ana Galizia's assassination. But ani- mosity towards Labour in general, a disposition to endorse any conspiracy, which puts Muscat in a bad light, and a dismissive approach towards any step towards justice taken under Abela may well further weaken their appeal among moderate voters who have more nu- anced views. On the other hand, groups like Graf- fitti, whose presence gave greater legiti- macy to the December protests, remain crucial in emboldening local communi- ties and destabilise the establishment's 'business as usual' policies, forcing Labour to backtrack on some aspects of planning policies and decisions, particularly when Labour exponents joined the public outcry. The rush for a post COVID-19 recovery may well test Abela's credentials on good governance and sustainability at a strategic junc- ture in the country's political life. How could such an astute politician be so blinded by trust and loyalty in his friends and allies?

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