Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1404527
9 NEWS maltatoday | maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 25 AUGUST 2021 nario where the margins of victo- ry were smaller. At this stage, the only latent threat Muscat poses to Abela is that of denying him of the opportunity of winning with a greater margin then himself in 2013 and 2017 But while such a result could enlarge Abela and diminish Mus- cat, Abela can rest at night know- ing that Muscat will never go that far as by doing so he would burn all the political capital he has left. Abela's balancing act Muscat can bank on Robert Ab- ela's ambiguity in distancing him- self from his predecessor, with- out sending a strong message to Labour activists to do the same. In the same interview he said that he wants Abela "to have an open road in front of him", while fully knowing that he was giving away soundbites which make it even more difficult for Abela to under- mine Muscat's reputation. This makes Abela the most likely target of Muscat's threat to return to politics, not because of the reality of the threat but be- cause of the emotions it stirs. Abela's political success hinges on his ability to appeal to both Muscat loyalists and segments in his electorate who now openly renege on Muscat's legacy. Mus- cat's threat makes this balancing act even more difficult for Abela, who probably wants to go to an election with a unified party be- hind him. It is therefore no surprise that Abela and Labour officials have ignored Muscat's empty threat to re-enter the political minefield. Abela, probably advised by those who recall the political cost of Alfred Sant's confrontation with Dom Mintoff in 1998, does not want a showdown with his pre- decessor. But clearly Muscat does not seem intent on letting Abela cut the umbilical cord tying him to his predecessor. Significantly, Muscat denied taking sides in the 2020 PL lead- ership race, but was forthcoming in admitting that his wife Mi- chelle spoke of her preference for Abela: "The truth is Michelle did speak with some people and expressed the fact she favoured Robert Abela. I did not inter- vene". It was a reminder to Abela that he does owe the Muscat fam- ily something. Once again, this ties in with Muscat's emphasis on personal and emotional connec- tions in politics. After capitalis- ing on support from the Muscat camp to secure the leadership, Abela would look ungrateful and ruthless if he does turn against Muscat and his friends. Forever friends Muscat's striking declaration that he will not ditch his friend Keith Schembri sounds like a call on his supporters to keep a place in their heart for Schembri. Those who still love Muscat but have their doubts on Schembri (even while Muscat rightly em- phasised that the truth can only established in the courts of law) have been reminded of the bond which still ties the former leader to Schembri. This comes at a strategic mo- ment when the police are un- der increased pressure to press charges on corruption allegations related to 17 Black and the Mon- tenegro wind farm, and the leaks and cover-ups on the Caruana Galizia murder investigation. For in the absence of such arraign- ments one cannot help ask why Schembri was only arraigned on a case involving corruption in a private company which predates the Muscat government. And it is here where Muscat falls back into the defence of blissful ignorance. On pertinent issues like possible corruption through 17 Black and Macbridge, Muscat gives the impression that he knows as much as any other common mortal; he fails to give a convincing answer on why Schembri attended Securi- ty Service meetings despite his friendship with Yorgen Fenech, with Muscat saying that he on- ly became aware of the possible leaks involving Schembri after he resigned (even if this was the case Muscat should have known of the friendship between Schembri and Fenech). Muscat even anticipates the logical conclusion that he was ei- ther corrupt to the core or plain- ly naive and thus incompetent: "Whether I was naïve, time will tell. But things aren't always black and white. I believe my judge- ment of most people was correct. But there might have been others I wasn't correct about. But I will not be the one who will dump Keith Schembri, for example, because he's the flavour of the month, especially considering what he's going through. I'm not that type of person". This raises another question: does Muscat's political project boil down to personal connec- tions in a sort of friend-ocracy? For the same Muscat who re- fuses to 'ditch' Schembri felt no qualms in ditching (at least for some time) other Labour poli- ticians like Anglu Farrugia, Mi- chael Falzon, Godfrey Farrugia and even Emmanuel Mallia, all of whom were asked to resign dur- ing his tenure as Labour leader or prime minister – Muscat low- ered the high bar he had himself established after 2013 when his own friends were exposed in the Panama Papers. The power of money While the interview has touched a raw nerve among those who cringe at Muscat or those who adore him, it leaves many indif- ferent, simply because Muscat is now yesterday's man who has lost the clout of power. But a segment of the electorate, including Labour voters, does feel anger when faced with decisions skewed in favour of the same moneyed interests which Muscat cultivated. While Abela has tak- en some timid but decisive steps to distance himself from his pre- decessor without provoking his wrath, he has also apparently em- braced Muscat's business-friend- ly governance. wAs demonstrated by decisions such as the tender for a yacht marina in Marsaskala, Abela is also dominated by the same in- terests. The good news in Muscat remaining in the news is that he stands as a reminder of the log- ical conclusion of subservience to moneyed interests, from the shackles of which Abela has not yet freed the party. Ultimately Muscat's emotion- al connection with "friends" like Schembri, who had their own circle of friends of friends, was a key peg in cosying up to business interests who came to see Labour as an opportunity rather than a threat. statesman to nuisance