Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1454280
9 NEWS maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 23 FEBRUARY 2022 votes in the 2017 election, and Clyde Puli, a former parliamentary secretary and PN secretary-general, seem to be rooted in the first divide. Clyde Puli was the only one of the three to suggest an ideological motivation be making reference to the party's position on abortion, in what could have been a dig against Grech's 'tolerance' for pro- choice elements in the party. A district heavyweight, Puli incarnat- ed the socially conservative values of the party, having orchestrated a shambolic MEP elections campaign in 2019 in which the party tried to turn the election into a referendum on abortion. And while his departure may be seen as an inevitable consequence of the party's greater openness to the liberal views of a segment of its voters, ideological rifts have to be resolved before, not during an electoral campaign. The question facing the three MPs is 'why did they have to wait for the second day of the campaign to withdraw their candidature?' But the question facing Grech is whether better micro-manage- ment and human relations would have averted the abrupt departure of Mario Galea, an outspoken MP who was univer- sally respected for his frankness on dis- cussing his own mental health issues, and whose stance against zoos resonated with a segment of younger voters and animal lovers. Claudio Grech's decision seems to have completely different motivations and was choreographed in an event in Valletta, as the fulfillment of the MP's commitment to make space for the party's regenera- tion in an event where he even anointed a district successor, possibly irking other candidates in the district. Moreover, Claudio Grech did not be- long to the Delia faction like the three other MPs, and actually contributed to deposing the former leader. Grech also framed his resignation as a way to facil- itate the party's much needed regenera- tion while still contributing to the party's electoral programme. In fact, Grech - a former acolyte of Aus- tin Gatt – himself had proposed that vet- eran candidates should make way for new blood and he has now honored his pledge. And while unlike Puli's, Grech's decision was not motivated by ideological consid- erations, his departure from the parlia- mentary group where he stood his ground against the liberalisation of cannabis laws forcing his own leader to backtrack after declaring his support for cannabis clubs, facilitates a transition to a more socially liberal direction. While his conservatism may have been off-putting for potential liberal voters, his competence was undis- putable and his departure weakens the party's frontbench. Learning from Muscat's playbook? While painful and wrongly timed, any party which renews itself inevitably loses some of its pieces. When Muscat transformed Labour into a more inclusive social liberal movement, he inevitably lost ultra-conservatives like Adrian Vassallo but did not suffer severe consequences, as this was perceived to be part of a process. Muscat had also removed a heavyweight like Anglu Farrugia from deputy leader right before the election, but he projected it as demonstration of his ability to take hard decisions, and he also cushioned the impact by appointing Louis Grech, who was a more middle-class friendly face in his place, and then by appointing Farrugia Speaker. Under Muscat, Labour continued los- ing pieces, including Marlene and God- frey Farrugia and more recently former Rabat mayor Charles Azzopardi. But by the time this happened, these politicians had already been delegitimised by the on- slaught of the party media. Others from the party's 'old left' like Marie Louise Coleiro-Preca were kicked upstairs as the party opened up both to fresh ideas but also to toxic elements from the PN. Ultimately this turned Mus- cat's and later Abela's party into a cheer- leading club gelled by a sense of loyalty to the leader, which is somewhat alien to liberal-democratic western parties. It was this subservience to the leader, which crippled the party in its reaction to Pan- amagate. In this sense, the PN like Labour before 2013, needs to promote candidates who resonate with the aspiration of its target group of voters; namely young and edu- cated voters who are presently intent on not voting but whose votes the PN des- perately needs to cut the gap. But the PN can distinguish itself from Labour leader's fan club, by creating a space where different values and opinions can co-exist while giving space to the par- ty leader to set a clear direction. In this sense the PN cannot emulate Muscat's playbook simply because it is by its very nature a coalition of disparate voters and MPs, whose loyalty to the leader is not unconditional. And while Labour retains a progressive edge over the PN on a number of social issues, its super-majority makes it impos- sible to hold corruption, environmental degradation and abuse of power in check. A coalition of enlightened conservatives and social liberals which only the PN can manage as it has done in the past, could well be the only obstacle left to another 'super majority' for Labour, which is de- bilitating for Maltese democracy. For while a majority exists to keep La- bour in power, the PN can still make a strong case for the need of a reinvigor- ated opposition which clips the wings of Labour's super majority. But the PN's constant agony and ina- bility to manage internal conflicts is ac- tually making the prospect of a Labour landslide more likely. In this sense the PN risks demotivating a segment of its own traditional voters without winning over new voters appalled by the unhappy spectacle. One step forward, two steps back If you can't keep your house in order, how can you be expected to govern the country serenely?