Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1517369
9 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 13 MARCH 2024 ANALYSIS But for Muscat this is not just a matter of building a formidable shield around him, in case he is arraigned in relation to the Stew- ard scandal, Muscat also wants to ensure "continuity" in the policies which "modernised" the country in his roller coaster term in office. This modernisation came in a mixed package of policy reforms which effectively co-opted a new establishment, which benefitted from policies favouring develop- ers and the importation of foreign labour. It also included a courageous so- cially liberal agenda, which turned the country from a laggard into a beacon for civil rights on most is- sues except abortion. And while addressing Agius Sal- iba's rally, Muscat went as far as speaking of the next 10-year pro- ject the Labour Party should be aiming for. True to his reformist zeal Mus- cat insists the party "must keep modernising Malta by turning it into a laboratory of new technol- ogies, bring in more equality, give women the right to make their own decisions over their own bod- ies, give everyone the right to take the decisions they need to take, and carry out new infrastructural projects because one cannot stop progress in its tracks." The Muscat paradox For here lies the paradox of Muscat's enduring legacy; that of a beloved strongman who reads from the same populist playbook as Trump and Berlusconi in his denouncement of persecution from 'the establishment', while still sounding like a continental liberal progressive with a mission to reform the country. It is no surprise coming from a leader who avidly follows global political trends, and who even be- fore 2013 hinted that the only way to contain the populist right is to read from its playbook. And yet despite presenting him- self as a beacon for Labour's fu- ture, he still fails miserably in in- culcating anti-corruption values in his supporters. His answer to those calling him corrupt is that he left "Malta's treasury overflow- ing with cash." This statement could be easily misinterpreted by supporters to mean that as long as the wheels turn, corruption is tolerable. Oth- ers may even think that corrup- tion is the lubricant which makes the wheels turn. A few may even seek to take their cut while con- tributing to the country's eco- nomic growth. And while hitting a home truth by intelligently link- ing Malta's resilience during the pandemic to the budget surplus his administration left behind, he also must address the more prob- lematic aspects of his legacy. But Muscat does not shy away from defending the economic model, decried in Maltese leftist circles, lock, stock and barrel. Paradoxically, Muscat manag- es to remain popular in his party even if his policies are increasingly questioned. Muscat's pull on vot- ers has been reportedly confirmed in an internal party poll showing that 20,000 Labour voters plan- ning to abstain in June would go to the polls if the former prime minister were to contest. Ironically, he manages to do this while unashamedly defending the same policies which trigger popular discontentment among non-voters on topics ranging from foreign workers to environmental havoc. Sure enough, Muscat still finds a way of reconciling his neo liber- al orientation with patriotic and partisan pride. He does so by for example turning on the National- ists who before 2013 warned that under Labour unemployment will increase and "now they complain that there are too many foreigners because there are so many jobs available". And while Muscat ee- rily referred to a 'Gomorrah' ob- structing his health reforms, he expresses no regret on a botched privatisation of public hospitals from which the country ended up losing money. Muscat's ability to speak a discourse reminiscent of old labour while demolishing some key aspects of its legacy, remains a key for understanding Muscat's enduring appeal. Millstone or saviour? Irrespective of which of the two paths he chooses, Muscat will remain an albatross around his successor's neck. In this case the albatross has no interest in sinking or harming his host and has every interest in ensuring his success. In this sense, for now, the relation- ship between Abela and Muscat although fraught with tension, re- mains a symbiotic one. Still, the greatest danger Muscat poses to Abela is that of overshad- owing him. Muscat's forays into the political arena are bound to invite comparisons between the former leader's sleek and witty oratory and his successor's bland- ness. It is no surprise that Muscat re- peatedly referred to the umbilical cord of 'continuity' between his time in power and Abela's term in office, thus presenting himself as a guarantee that the path is not derailed. The question facing Robert Abe- la now is whether to keep distance from Muscat at the risk of baffling supporters who love both leaders, or embrace him. Abela's best hope is that the hospitals inquiry will not be concluded before the MEP election. This would give Abela and Mus- cat the space to speak from differ- ent pulpits while seeking the same aim. Otherwise, Abela would have to choose between defending his comrade in arms by sharing the same platform or ditching him outright. What is sure is that Mus- cat's decision to take the limelight makes the latter a more unlikely option. or candidate Muscat manages to remain popular in his party even if his policies are increasingly questioned. Muscat's pull on voters has been reportedly confirmed in an internal party poll showing that 20,000 Labour voters planning to abstain in June would go to the polls if the former prime minister were to contest.