Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1523510
9 maltatoday | THURSDAY • 3 JULY 2024 NEWS WORLD and then tweet about it." Starmer also realised that his party's priority should be winning back working class constituencies in the north of England lost to Boris Johnson in 2020, through a policy mix combining social democratic economic policies with main- stream positions on migration, crime and defence. But Starmer's compromis- es have created frustration in Labour's traditional base, es- pecially among university-edu- cated voters in big cities, trade unions, Muslim voters (over Gaza) and ardent Remainers. Labour activists are now ask- ing; what is the use of winning big in the absence of bold plans for change and a reversal of Brexit? But Starmer's allies reply with another question; what is the use of making bold promis- es if the best you can hope for a narrow and shaky majority? Moreover, the significance of a centre-left victory in the UK cannot is remarkable amidst a global drift to the far right as mainstream conservatism is in- creasingly merging with the far right and social democracy is in crisis. Toxic Tories While his constant back- tracking on promises and his recent unwillingness to call for a ceasefire in Gaza has angered left-wingers, the prospect of change after 14 years of chaot- ic Tory rule has been enough to make Starmer a prime minister in waiting. While Starmer can be credited as the architect of a new majority for a centre-left party at a time when other cen- tre-left parties are sinking, the extent of Labour's lead can on- ly be explained by the toxicity of the Conservative Party. It all started with partygate, which exposed the Tories as a posh, self-serving elite de- tached from the suffering of common people during the pandemic. This proved disas- trous for the Tories in their bid to hold on to Johnson's gains in Labour's northern strongholds. Moreover, Starmer's boring so- briety proved to be an asset in comparison to Tory excesses. The Tory brand was further weakened by internal divisions that saw the party elect four leaders since David Cameron resigned after losing the ref- erendum to keep the UK in the European Union in 2016. Brexit was the last nail in the coffin for Cameron's political project to reposition the Tories as a more socially liberal party, which won power by governing in coalition with the Liberal Democrats. From then on, the party was in- creasingly defined by Brexit as right-wingers sabotaged There- sa May's plans for a soft Brexit, paving the way for Boris John- son, who in 2020 managed to increase his party's majority by sweeping Labour's 'leave' con- stituencies. After dethroning Boris John- son amidst partygate, the par- ty first lurched to the right under Liz Truss—who had to resign after 50 days in office characterized by turmoil in the markets—and then back to the Tory mainstream under Rishi Sunak. Despite throwing a bone to right-wing voters by pressing on with a botched plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, Sunak still end- ed up losing support to Nigel Farage's Reform Party. Noth- ing was more evocative than Sunak's rain-drenched an- nouncement that he was call- ing a snap election in his last attempt to galvanize support for his party, except perhaps the vanity of party insiders, in- cluding close aides to the PM, who were taking bets on the election date. a bland leader is set to win big Starmer's compromises have created frustration in Labour's traditional base, especially among university-educated voters in big cities, trade unions, Muslim voters (over Gaza) and ardent Remainers Despite throwing a bone to right-wing voters by pressing on with a botched plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, Sunak still ended up losing support to Nigel Farage's (above) Reform Party Keir Starmer