Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1532272
9 ANALYSIS maltatoday | SUNDAY • 9 FEBRUARY 2025 Rallying the core to save his skin? divisive card by attacking the ju- diciary over the hospital inquiry to rally the party's hardcore and ward off the specter of abstention in this election. But this strategy backfired badly—possibly because it came at a cost: alienating both middle-of-the-road floaters who gravitated to Muscat's Labour in 2013 and principled left-lean- ing voters disgusted by the shady dealings that Abela failed to dis- own. The risk for Abela is that his relapse into divisive tribal poli- tics triggers a downward spiral, cementing a negative perception among a segment of the popula- tion that voted Labour in the past thanks to Joseph Muscat's inclu- sive approach. While in those days Labour was perceived as the 'beautiful party' offering hope, it now risks becoming the 'ugly par- ty' which thrives on invective and division. And here lies one of history's greatest ironies: the so-called loy- alists are eroding the best legacy of their idol—opening up the par- ty to different voices and nuanc- es. While Muscat can be blamed for becoming intimate with big business and even for bringing opportunists from the other side who had absolutely no ideological affinity with Labour, it must be recognised that, in his best days, he projected himself as a unifying figure with whom one could work even if one disagreed with him on some issues. In short Abela risks being compromised by the worst aspects of Muscat's legacy while ditching its most redeeming as- pect. Abela had used the same divi- sive card by attacking the judiciary over the hospital inquiry to rally the party's hardcore and ward off the spectre of abstention in this election. But this strategy back- fired badly—possibly because it came at a cost: alienating both middle-of-the-road floaters who gravitated to Muscat's Labour in 2013 and principled left-lean- ing voters disgusted by the shady dealings that Abela failed to dis- own. Abela seems oblivious to the fact that his strategy of pitting his party against the "extremists" is as hollow as his rants against the "es- tablishment" before the MEP elec- tions. This is particularly the case when the party depends on indi- viduals like Emmanuel Cushcieri, Karl Stagno Navarra, and Neville Gafa to take down the "extrem- ists" on the other side. The risk for Abela is that his relapse into divisive tribal poli- tics triggers a downward spiral, cementing a negative perception among a segment of the popula- tion that voted Labour in the past thanks to Joseph Muscat's inclu- sive approach. While in those days, Labour was the 'beautiful party' offering hope, it now risks becoming the 'ugly party' that thrives on invective and division. In short, by undermining La- bour's victorious 'historical bloc,' Abela risks triggering a coun- ter-hegemonic bloc—uniting people of different persuasions in much the same way as Lawrence Gonzi's combination of ultra-con- servatism and austerity helped Muscat assemble his winning co- alition. And here lies one of history's greatest ironies: the so-called loy- alists are eroding the best legacy of their idol—opening up the par- ty to different voices and nuances. While Muscat can be criticised for compromising himself with the establishment and for bringing opportunists from the other side who had no ideological affinity with Labour, it must be acknowl- edged that, at his best, he pre- sented himself as a unifying figure with whom one could collaborate, even if there were disagreements on certain issues. In short, Abela risks being compromised by the worst aspects of Muscat's legacy while ditching its most redeeming aspect. Where does this leave the opposition? Yet to be credible the party still has to come in terms with its very recent past, having contributed its fair share to tribal warfare by failing to draw a line between sub- stantiated corruption allegations like the Vitals scandal and wild allegations like Jason Azzopardi's taking on board claims made by convicted murderers that Carme- lo Abela was involved in a bank heist, a claim from which the PN never distanced itself, even after Abela was awarded €7,000 dam- ages in a libel case against Azzo- pardi. Apart from voting with their feet by abstaining, disgruntled voters may turn to new parties appealing to both middle-of-the-road and progressive voters. Faced with Abela's regressive re- forms, the Nationalist opposition seems keen on not being seen as a single-issue party. This is why the party is also focusing on issues like the cost of living and parental leave, even if the party remains too conditioned by its free-market ideology to tackle wealth inequal- ity head-on. Yet, to be credible, the party still has to come to terms with its very recent past, having contributed its fair share to tribal warfare by failing to draw a line between sub- stantiated corruption allegations like the Vitals scandal and wild allegations like Jason Azzopardi's taking on board claims made by convicted murderers that Carme- lo Abela was involved in a bank heist, a claim from which the PN never distanced itself from. For it was no surprise that Car- melo Abela's case was re-ex- humed by Labour and effectively deployed to counter an opposition motion to grant Maltese journal- ists greater protection from multi- ple libel suits. Yet despite adopting a more dis- ciplined approach under Grech, the PN still struggles to find the confidence of a party that can move forward with its own agen- da as an alternative government without competing with civil soci- ety organisations who have every right to pursue their uncompro- mising agenda. Ultimately, this boils down to leadership that commands au- thority and respect. Crucially, the opposition must project itself as a unifying force bent on national reconciliation, capable of deliver- ing justice without sounding vin- dictive. In short, the PN needs to take a leaf from the Fenech Adami playbook, which was crucial in reassuring the country, including non-Nationalists, before it voted for a change of government in 1987. Still, while the opposition re- mains at best a 'work in progress', which is still vulnerable to La- bour's counterattacks on various fronts, Abela should not forget that the PN is not the only choice voters will have in the next elec- tion. Apart from voting with their feet, disgruntled voters may turn to new parties appealing to both middle-of-the-road and progres- sive voters. In fact, the greatest lesson Ab- ela should have learned from the MEP elections is that he may still lose the next general election by default, thanks to a growing mass of voters who never had or have lost their tribal attachments. Re- igniting tribal warfare may not be the best way for him to reach out to these voters. And while Abela may see his re- lapse into the politics of tribal en- trenchment as temporary—before reverting to a more inclusive and unifying approach—he may be sowing the seeds of discord that will come back to haunt him, even if he wins the next election by a small or relative majority.