Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1534974
4 gozotoday | FRIDAY • 2 MAY 2025 NEWS Did you know? Xlendi Bay is a picturesque and popular seaside destination known for its dramatic cliffs, crystal-clear waters, and quaint charm. Originally a tiny fishing village, Xlendi has evolved into a bustling small resort that attracts both tourists and locals throughout the year. The bay itself features a small sandy and pebbly beach perfect for swimming and relaxing. The waters are shallow near the beach, making it ideal for families, while the surrounding rocky coastline offers deeper waters suitable for diving and snorkeling. The bay's reef formations and underwater tunnels make it a hotspot for diving enthusiasts, with several diving centers available for beginners and experienced divers alike. An autonomous Gozo? Not quite, as island scores poorly on autonomy index GOZO scores poorly on an in- ternational scoreboard that gauges the appetite for self-rule, according to a sociologist and small-islands scholar Godfrey Baldacchino. In a comprehensive study on potential autonomy options for Gozo, Baldacchino adapted po- litical scientist Eve Hepburn's six-factor index that covers po- litical distinctiveness, cultural identity, economic resources, representation, state accommo- dation and geographic isolation. Baldacchino gives Gozo just 18 out of 60 points. Here's the breakdown: 1. Distinctiveness of political system: 1/10 A distinctive political system, usually with strong regional par- ties pushing for autonomy or in- dependence, often signals an au- tonomy movement. But Gozo's political scene is almost identical to Malta's mainland. With the ex- ception of the 1947 general elec- tion — when the Gozo Party and Jones Party briefly disrupted the duopoly — Gozitans have consist- ently voted for either the Labour Party or the Nationalist Party. The Gozo Party was disband- ed by 1950, and the Jones Party never elected anyone. Since then, no regionally based party has emerged to push for Gozitan in- terests. Gozo has also never had a secessionist or strong regional autonomy movement. Baldacchi- no notes this is both an advan- tage and a disadvantage – while it avoids political fragmentation, it also means the Maltese state feels no pressure to offer Gozo more autonomy to appease a regional political base. In contrast, Green- land developed local parties as early as 1964, several of which now support independence. 2. Strength of cultural identity: 5/10 Despite political conformity, Gozitans express a strong re- gional identity through language, customs and social perception. Many identify as Gozitan along- side Maltese, and this layered identity is reflected in dialects, traditions, and folklore. Proverbs stereotyping Gozitans as miserly ('Għawdxi żokrati l-gremxul ħas- bu kavati) or cunning (Għawdxi tajjeb aħarqu; aħseb u ara ħażin) reflect how their character is viewed separately from the Mal- tese mainstream. However, this identity does not usually chal- lenge national unity – it comple- ments it. As such, Gozo earns a moderate 5 out of 10 for cultural distinctiveness. 3. Economic resources: 4/10 Autonomy is more likely when a region has strong economic resources to sustain itself. Gozo, though gradually developing, re- mains economically reliant on tourism and public sector jobs. The island still depends on fiscal transfers from Malta and lacks a diverse economic base. Its greatest economic asset is its aesthetic appeal – landscape, cul- ture, and environment – which supports its tourism industry. Yet, this is not enough to trigger a movement for economic inde- pendence, resulting in a score of 4 out of 10. 4. Political underrepresentation: 2/10 Underrepresentation at the na- tional and international levels can spur autonomy claims. Gozo has 5 out of 65 parliamentary seats, a figure proportionate to its population. However, no Gozitan has ever held the office of Prime Minister since its establishment in 1921. Two Gozitans have been elected to the European Parlia- ment, namely Josianne Cutajar and Thomas Bajada, and the re- gional president sits on the EU Committee of the Regions. 5. State accommodation of regional interests: 2/10 Gozo has a ministry for gozo and a regional council, but both have limited powers. Past efforts, such as the Gozo Civic Council, were short-lived. Although the state has repeatedly recognised Gozo's distinctiveness, it has not devolved meaningful executive authority. 6. Geographic isolation and insularity: 4/10 Geographic isolation often strengthens claims for autonomy. Gozo is separated from Malta by just 4.5km of sea and is well-con- nected by subsidised ferries. Baldacchino argues that greater distance correlates with strong- er calls for autonomy. Proposals for a fixed link (bridge or tunnel) between the two islands could, paradoxically, weaken the drive towards autonomy. In fact, no island has achieved political autonomy after being physically connected to its main- land. Furthermore, clientelism often absorbs frustrations over Gozo's double insularity, pro- viding informal solutions rather than structural reforms. Entrenched duopoly and red lines One of the overarching obsta- cles to Gozitan autonomy lies in Malta's entrenched two-party system. Since 1966, power has alternated between the Labour Party and the Nationalist Party. Gozo remains locked into this dynamic, with regional initiatives seen through a partisan lens. Proposals to revive the Gozo Civic Council or introduce self-government are viewed sus- piciously – as potential threats to the patronage systems on which both parties rely. Baldacchino ar- gues that any decision on how to govern Gozo must consider how it would affect party power struc- tures and electoral outcomes. Two major barriers block real autonomy: Taxation and polit- ical confrontation. Baldacchino says no Maltese government is likely to devolve tax powers to a Gozitan authority. New, re- gion-based taxes would be polit- ically toxic and unpopular. A second risk is the perception that a Gozitan power base could be used "to browbeat, badger, harass, disrupt and/or torpedo the central government in Vallet- ta, for partisan political gain". Baldacchino also warns that greater self-rule could weaken the few checks and balances that currently exist, due to Malta's oversight. However, other small islands like Nauru, Palau, and Tu- valu have gained independence despite having populations and land areas smaller than Gozo. San Marino, too, is both smaller and more autonomous – it is an inde- pendent state. He suggests that comparisons with islands like Tobago — part of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, yet with its own legisla- ture and executive — could offer lessons for Gozo. Similarly, the evolving arrangements between Copenhagen and the autono- mous regions of Greenland and the Faroe Islands merit attention. Sociologist and small-islands scholar Godfrey Baldacchino suggests that comparisons with islands like Tobago could offer lessons for Gozo