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8 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 13 JULY 2025 FEATURE Andre Grech PN activist Why Adrian Delia's return could revitalise the PN IN politics, defeat is often seen as final. But history repeatedly shows that the most impactful leaders are those who return, forged by adversity, sharpened by experience, and ready to lead with greater conviction. With Adrian Delia recontesting the leadership of the Nationalist Party, the question shouldn't be why is he return- ing, but if his return is what the party, and the country needs? For a party that has spent over 12 years in Opposition, the need for revival is urgent. A comeback by someone who has already faced the storm of internal dissent and media scrutiny may offer the kind of leadership clarity the PN so desperately lacks. History is filled with politicians who seemed finished, only to return and write their most defining chapters. Indira Gandhi: Return rooted in people's will India's first female prime minister was voted out in 1977. But in 1980, Gandhi returned with renewed public support and reclaimed leadership, emphasising economic reform and national unity. Benazir Bhutto: Symbol of resilience Twice removed from office in Pakistan during the 1990s, Benazir Bhutto was forced into exile. Yet she returned in 2007 to contest elections and challenge authoritarian rule. Her courage remains a powerful symbol of principled leader- ship. Her assassination days before the election turned her comeback into mar- tyrdom, but it also reignited her party's commitment to reform. Dom Mintoff: Malta's defiant returnee Malta's own political history offers a powerful precedent. Dom Mintoff re- signed as prime minister in 1958 fol- lowing clashes with the British colonial administration. Many believed his polit- ical journey had ended. Yet, in 1971, he returned as prime minister, winning the election and launching an era of bold reform. George Borg Olivier: Father of independent Malta In the 1955 election, the PN suffered a significant defeat. Yet George Borg Ol- ivier refused to retreat and in 1962, he led the PN to victory. It would see him steer Malta to independence in 1964. Borg Olivier's comeback was not built on bitterness, but on vision; a peaceful transition to nationhood. Certain comebacks teach us that true leadership isn't about never falling. It's about rising with greater purpose. Delia: Comeback grounded in principle Delia's first tenure as PN leader was undeniably rocky, marked by internal sabotage, media hostility, and factional disunity. But rather than walk away, De- lia remained loyal. He continued serving in parliament, engaging with the public, and building a quiet but resilient base of support, particularly among party members who felt abandoned. What sets him apart, however, is not just persistence, it's principle. His battle against the Vitals hospitals deal stands as a landmark example. Delia persisted alone until he, and his lawyer Edward Debono, won back Malta's hospitals for the people. Like Gandhi, he knows what it means to fall and rise again. Like Bhu- tto, he stands firm in the face of hostility. Like Mintoff, he is persistent. Like Borg Olivier, he returns more composed and prepared. Voters have the chance to get it right Political comebacks are not about ego or nostalgia. They are about growth, clarity and unfinished business. The PN needs a leader who understands its fractures, felt the pain of betrayal, and is ready to build something stronger from the inside out. History is full of second chances that changed the course of nations. Adri- an Delia's return could be Malta's next such moment, if we choose to see it not as a repeat of the past, but as the begin- ning of something new, principled, and resilient. This time, the choice is clear. And this time, the party, and the coun- try, might just get it right. Eve Borg Bonello PN MP The PN my generation has never known, but is ready to build THE last time the Nationalist Party won an election, I was four years old. My generation has grown up without any tangible memory of what a win- ning PN, or one in government, is. And whilst this has been horrible for the country, it might, counterin- tuitively, not be such a bad thing for the party; if we frame it as an oppor- tunity for reinvention. A political party exists to convert aspirations into reality. Parties that don't change die, and we have no other option than to "rage, against the dying of the light." There are few things I love more than hearing people's stories, espe- cially from those who lived through the turbulence of the 1980s. But for people my age, they remain just that—stories. We struggle to relate, not through lack of empathy, but be- cause they happened so long ago. Now, this is not to say those sto- ries don't matter deeply—they were what first drew me to PN. They ex- plain where we came from and what shaped us. They taught me the PN's core identity: Christian-democratic values, free enterprise and European modernisation. But in politics, the crucial ques- tions are not about the past, but the future. Today's problems are many: From housing affordability to ac- cessing healthcare in a timely man- ner, and finding ways to adapt to a changing climate. Our solutions must be bold but realistic. But my generation won't fight for something they don't believe in. You must inspire through hope not shame out of apathy. Besides relevant politics, the par- ty needs organisational reform. We need to ditch the mentality of an un- yielding institution, and adopt the agility of a startup. The US Democratic Party wasn't reborn solely through Barack Oba- ma's charisma, but the '50-state solution' was a total grassroots and organisational revival. Do our party structures still make sense in 2025? Do our media strategies resonate? Are we offering hope, or just rehash- ing outrage? For instance, my generation doesn't consume news from papers, but through Instagram reels. That's not anti-intellectualism, it's evolution. A press release written like a legal brief no longer cuts through the noise. Voters don't care about internal party titles, especially ones that aren't backed up by hard work. What most voters genuinely care about is the change they can see and feel. Neither is being a 'strong opposi- tion' much of a comfort, because what we owe them is a strong PN government that serves them. My worry is that the narratives of the past years have convinced some that our only selling point is that we're not Labour. That's not enough. We've proposed necessary laws, ignored only because of the side of the isle they came from. Justice for Jean Paul Sofia has been delivered because of a PN-forced motion. Despite everything, I look at this moment with hope. I still believe in the PN's potential. But trying to be everything to everyone means that you're nothing to no one. Jumping from one bandwagon to another does not project an image of a stable government in waiting. Only by rooting ourselves in clear principles and speaking courageous- ly, will we find our path. We must ensure that this leadership race re- sults in the sweeping reform that must follow after. Call me an optimist, but I'm excit- ed. I can't wait to help build what's next: ideas becoming implemented realities, conversations becoming momentum and a whole new gener- ation of leaders. Our destiny is not predetermined: as the authors of our next chapter we have no excuse for not trying. The train for change whose next stop is the future is here, and it's time to hop on. We must show we're courageous enough to dream and hope. I believe we can be a young party again, not in terms of the median age of the par- liamentary group, but in the energy of every single activist empowered to fight the good fight, not only out of a sense of duty, but out of hope that we can and will win again. History is filled with politicians who seemed finished, only to return and write their most defining chapters. Our destiny is not predetermined: as the authors of our next chapter we have no excuse for not trying