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was likely a reminder not to side-line him. And although Delia quickly clar- ified that he would not contest the result, the letter sent shivers down party activists' spines. For Borg, handling Delia is a dou- ble-edged sword: the charismatic former leader, trusted by half of par- ty members, remains a formidable force. 3. Borg's third challenge is driving a generational change as way of enhancing the ideological diversity of the PN as a big-tent party — one capable of generating bold ideas without alienating key factions and experienced MPs. During the campaign, Borg empha- sised his commitment to generational change. The party is not short of tal- ent, and it has MPs who could make capable ministers. Crucially, they are not all lawyers and come from varied professional backgrounds, potentially making the PN more representative. However, the leadership campaign itself was not fully representative, with more liberal and centrist figures like Darren Carabott and Mark An- thony Sammut opting out. But Borg also needs to balance this with expe- rience, including that of veteran MPs like Mario De Marco and Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici. Borg's confirmation of George Vital Zammit's role in drafting the elector- al manifesto may indicate that Borg will not impose his conservative in- stincts on a party which is greater than its leader. While the PN has elected a leader who preferred Trump to Biden and admires Giorgia Meloni, its manifes- to is being drafted by a respected ac- ademic with centre-left leanings. In- stead of imposing his will, Borg may invest in the party's diversity, bring- ing organisational discipline without tilting too much to the right. He may even rely on the 'free vote' formula for sensitive issues such as assisted dying — personally appeal- ing to conservatives through his own stance while still leaving space for liberals to feel at home in the same party. But voters may be left confused by such an approach. 4. As Opposition leader Borg is bound to talk with all stake holders including developers, but he needs to dispel the image that he is in their pocket. Still, complications will arise, es- pecially when Borg faces demands from powerful lobbies like the con- struction industry, or when shady operators start circling the party if they sense vitality. After all it was the same story in Muscat's party since its early days. Yet internal stability could also at- tract talented and civic-minded pro- fessionals who previously shunned the PN as toxic. Cultivating this lat- ter group is key to the party's future success. Yet this category may be easily turned off by any signs of compro- mise with donors or their proxies, who may seek to influence the party with their money. Borg is particular- ly susceptible to this criticism mainly because of his stance on Chambray. It is now up to Borg to dispel the perception of being too close to de- velopers. The debate of the proposed planning bills offers Borg an oppor- tunity to stand up to be counted and win respect among public spirited environmentalists. 5. Borg's fifth hurdle is reducing the PN's deficit in the next election, even if he publicly aims to win it outright. Only by doing so can he earn the leeway to reshape the party. Until then, his moves are constrained by the need to maintain credibility and party cohesion. Alex Borg may choose not to rush. He may keep insisting on victory in the next election, knowing this will likely only help narrow the gap — an essential first step towards becoming prime minister sometime in 2030 or 2031. To do so, Borg must secure par- ty unity and gradually establish his leadership without losing any more pieces. He knows that if the PN loses again by the same margin, his lead- ership would be in peril, much like Grech's position after holding on de- spite a crushing defeat in 2022. But if Borg manages to substantially narrow the gap, he could realistically become prime minister at the age of 37. This gives him time to co-opt a new generation. Yet the paradox is that Borg, at just 30 years old, must al- ready project himself as a prime min- ister-in-waiting — not in five years' time when his project might be more mature. In this sense, Borg faces a catch-22: rushing change could alienate many, undermining the internal stability he needs for a serene campaign. But without radical change, his party risks another heavy defeat. But to even give Labour a run for its money, Borg needs to navigate be- tween continuity and change- with his own voters differing on which part of Labour's legacy is worth pre- serving-while also proving himself as an adult in the room. The question now is sharper than ever: does he have what it takes, or was contesting in the first place a pretentious gamble? 7 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 10 SEPTEMBER 2025 ANALYSIS must clear to save PN margin leaves him exposed to overreach. He now has five major challenges: managing Delia, driving developers and closing the gap with Labour. James Debono asks whether he can navigate them without Alex Borg's confirmation of George Vital Zammit's role in drafting the electoral manifesto may indicate that he will not impose his conservative instincts on a party which is greater than its leader.