Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1539741
5 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 24 SEPTEMBER 2025 ANALYSIS high-rise hopes hit a ceiling to the plight of young property buyers facing soaring prices. That is a good way of translat- ing concern on corruption and governance with the growing concern on housing afforda- bility. Borg also used this issue to underline his commitment to good governance from the very first day in office even if he stretched this point too far. For any opposition leader would have lambasted the government of the day following the publi- cation of damning report by the National Auditor. Borg's catch-all 'national alliance' He rightly noted that the PN has only won when in synch with the aspirations of a broader "national alliance" which aspires to become the "natural home of Maltese and Gozitans". Still, it is not clear whether Borg views this alliance as a pluralistic co- alition united by some common values or as the imposition of the party's tribal identity on a broader cohort. Moreover, keeping in mind that the last time the PN se- cured an absolute majority was in 2004, when its EU member- ship campaign united a broad alliance around an overriding issue, it is unclear how the PN can replicate that feat in an election where voters are ex- pected to choose between two management teams of the same economic model. The PN's task is not easy. Nor can Borg ignore competition from third parties advocating change which go be- yond the dominant consensus. Some potential voters may demand radical change, while others—particularly those bene- fiting from the current system— fear it. Some may even want radical change on some aspects while demanding continuity on other fronts. Some may even ask, why not trust the devil you know rather than someone who appeared out of the blue? The PN as everybody's party In his Independence speech, Borg tried to resolve these con- tradictions by describing the PN as "a party which attracts everyone and appeals to people from all spheres of society." To achieve this, he hints at win-win scenarios where "long-term" economic growth improves both quality of life and people's incomes. He avoids addressing inequali- ty and wealth redistribution. In- stead, he signals continuity with Labour's model of financing welfare and public expenditure through increased revenue from growth—ironically, a model first pioneered by the PN. Muscat's Labour later adapted it by press- ing harder on the accelerator of economic growth, attracting more foreign workers and re- laxing planning rules. It remains to be seen how Borg intends to correct this model. He also stresses that he is meeting and listening to every- one, with the aim of striking a balance. But the difficulty of be- ing "everybody's party" was laid bare by his self-inflicted tower blunder, which began when he suggested that a skyline policy could allow high-rise develop- ment in Gozo. Fawlty towers Asked by WhosWho journal- ist Robert Fenech whether he would agree with tower devel- opments in Gozo, Borg replied: "You cannot generalise Gozo as a whole. There are places where there could be [towers] based on a skyline policy, and there are areas where there shouldn't be, for example, in village cores." This was widely interpreted as a clear indication that Borg was not opposed in principle to the erection of towers in certain parts of Gozo. In his Independence speech, he tried to deflect criticism without retracting his statement, accus- ing ministers of hypocrisy for their sudden "environmental conversion" and challenging them to withdraw the two con- troversial planning bills tabled in parliament in July and en- shrine environmental protec- tion in the Constitution. He clarified that he is not in a "frenzy to build towers in Gozo" and pledged to defend Gozo's identity and character. But by Sunday, he found himself in Robert Abela's firing line, with the Prime Minister insisting Labour would never allow high- rise development in Gozo. TVM even headlined its re- port on Borg's Independence speech with a reference to tow- ers. But on Monday morning, Borg turned to Facebook to kill the controversy by declaring his opposition to towers in Gozo, but only after losing control of the narrative: "Read my lips: I don't want to see towers in Gozo," he insist- ed, accusing Abela of "fabrica- tion" to take the wind out of the PN's sails. "On the contrary, the skyline policy I proposed would ensure that this will not hap- pen, and ensure that Malta and Gozo's landscape is not disso- nant. When you have a typical village with buildings of a cer- tain height, the skyline should be respected and protected." The intention behind Borg's original statement remains un- clear, especially at a time when the new PN leader is under pres- sure to dispel perceptions of be- ing too close to developers. But this episode confirms that plan- ning issues remain Borg's Achil- les heel. In fact, this was not his first controversial declaration on planning. Before being elected, in an in- terview with MaltaToday, Borg refused to categorically com- mit not to extend the develop- ment zone by one inch if elected Prime Minister. And although Borg has now recanted, this in- evitably raises the question: if he is really opposed to towers in Gozo, why did he suggest in the first place that they should be considered in a skyline policy? This episode serves as a stark reminder that in politics one cannot please everyone at the same time. The fact that Joseph Muscat succeeded in doing so before 2013 is itself a lesson, especially when seen with the benefit of hindsight. His polit- ical undoing was rooted in his compromises and complicity with big business. Ultimately, it underlines the great paradox in Maltese poli- tics: growing anger at overdevel- opment in a context where eco- nomic growth and government revenues—not to mention party coffers—depend on keeping the engine running. Alex Borg accompanied by his partner Sarah Bajada waving to supporters after the meeting (Photo: PN) Alex Borg greeting supporters after delivering his first mass meeting speech (Photo: PN)