Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1540988
THE front-page story in this newspaper refers to the court submissions of the elderly brothers of the Farrugia family, known in years gone by as John's garage. The brothers were dragged into the crim- inal court and accused of collusion with their corrupt brother George Farrugia. Those who have failing memories should remember that in 2013 just before the general election, MaltaToday pub- lished an exclusive story which revealed a web of corruption with a certain George Farrugia at its centre. It was based on court proceedings which had been in the public domain and had been convenient- ly not reported by the mainstream media. It showed how George Farrugia acted as the brains behind a scheme, which saw multinational oil companies pay kick- backs to middlemen to ensure sale of fuel to Enemalta. The minister responsible for Enemal- ta at the time was Austin Gatt and the prime minister was Lawrence Gonzi. Now, since 2013 we have witnessed scandals and corruption like no oth- er involving the highest echelons of the Labour administration. But before 2013, the Nationalist administration was far from being virginal. Comparisons are odious, but back then, discussing corrup- tion or attributing corruption to the gov- ernment was treated with unforgivable reprisal. First there were the attacks by government apologists—Lou Bondi on TVM, Daphne Caruana Galizia on The Independent and her blog; and of course, the whole party structure. When I look back, I wonder how I took it all in. For his mortal sins, George Farrugia, who shafted his brothers and devised a structure to syphon kickbacks in return for confirming the purchase of fuel for Enemalta, was given a presidential par- don a month before the national elec- tions. He was saved by the kind benevo- lence of Gonzi himself. His presidential pardon absolved him for any crime as long as he revealed everything. He did nothing of the sort. George Farrugia and his wife were well known to Gonzi. Indeed, Lawrence Gonzi's secretary when he worked pri- vately with Mizzi Organisation and served as Speaker—these things hap- pened then too but it was okay—was Cathy Farrugia, George's wife. She was responsible for the administration that allowed George to operate his devious scheme. Farrugia did not reveal everything; in fact he did the complete opposite and declared less takings from the lucrative sale of fuel and more importantly he gave no information about the contents and monies of his secret Swiss account. Today's front-page story, reveals how George Farrugia's idea of revealing all was by simply providing a brochure of the bank where he held an account in Swit- zerland. Revealing such a story in 2013 was tough. It meant accepting the abuse and unheard accusations from those who later would militate in Repubblika. To them, corruption that took place under a Nationalist administration was of no consequence. To them the notion that corruption is inbred and endemic was not a consideration. Twelve years later, many of George Farrugia's elderly brothers are frail and a pale reflection of their former self. Their families await justice to be meted out to absolve the brothers from collusion. They await justice and real hope that the real rat in this ugly episode will be re- vealed for what he is. Unfortunately, the presidential pardon brokered personally by Lawrence Gonzi will save George Farrugia from being prosecuted and sent to prison. But unlike most of us, George Farrugia is a religious man who finds the time for prayer meet- ings and Jesus-talk. Perhaps the judge- ment that evades him this world will catch up with him in the next. Yet, for all the political traction the Jo- seph Muscat administration gained from this scandal, the case simply dragged on indefinitely in the Maltese courts. It is a sad reflection on the police and the judi- cial system. Gonzi went on to lose the national elec- tion in 2013 and I am happy for that. I have no regrets for having contributed to his defeat, but Muscat's victory would turn out to be the biggest disappoint- ment. One thing is for sure, the oil scandal and the implications of that ugly but un- forgettable episode are relevant to what is happening today. All the players have simply reinvented themselves with no shame. For them life goes on. Sometimes I ask myself if we are simply in the business of storytelling and that there is nothing more to it. Changing the world is not a dream that will ever come true, it seems. 7 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 2 NOVEMBER 2025 OPINION Down memory lane Saviour Balzan Founder and co-owner of Media Today, publisher of MaltaToday, he is a TV host and pollster Left to right: Lawrence Gonzi and George Farrugia all relaxed sipping champagne for breakfast in Valletta on a Friday morning Melvic Zammit Beyond the optics Communications strategist IN Malta, politics has never been a quiet background hum. It's woven into everyday conversa- tions, into każini, workplaces, WhatsApp groups, and Sunday lunches. It's emotional, tribal, and rooted in loyalty. That kind of political culture isn't necessarily a bad thing. It shows people care. But in recent years, that same energy has been repackaged and amplified, turned into a perfor- mance, not progress. Social media was meant to bridge the gap between elected officials and the public. It prom- ised transparency, accessibility, and direct communication. But somewhere along the way, pol- itics began to play by the plat- form's rules. Visibility became its own goal. Scroll through your feed. It's obvious. Some politicians aren't there to explain or engage. They're there to be seen. It's less about leadership and more about staying in the feed. As citizens, we need to be more vigilant. Just because something looks active online doesn't mean it's making a real difference offline. The pressure to stay constantly visible has pushed many politi- cians to condense policies into slogans, oversimplify debate, and prioritise attention over under- standing. Serious everyday issues, like housing affordability, traffic congestion, overpopulation, and Malta's low fertility rate, are often packaged for the algorithm in- stead of being addressed through meaningful discussion. In this environment, criticism spreads faster than facts, and thoughtful policy risks being overlooked in a crowded media space. It's no surprise, then, that so many voters have been hesitant to commit. Political surveys have consistently shown a sizeable seg- ment of the electorate saying they either don't know who to vote for or wouldn't vote at all if an elec- tion were held tomorrow. While that number has softened slight- ly in recent months, it remains strong. And it reflects something deeper than simple indecision. It reflects growing public disen- gagement. People aren't just waiting for new faces. They're waiting for a different approach. More ac- countability. Less theatre. More action. To be clear, social media has a place in politics. It can still help make politics more transparent, more direct, and more responsive to the public. But it's no replace- ment for the slower, harder work that rarely goes viral like meeting people, drafting policy, answering difficult questions, and delivering results. After budget day, many are left reflecting on what they heard, and, just as importantly, what they didn't. The responsibility doesn't rest on the government alone. The Opposition, too, has a duty to of- fer more than criticism. It must present serious, well-researched alternatives, not populist slogans, but credible proposals that stand up to scrutiny and reflect the complexity of the issues at hand. Leadership doesn't begin or end with a social media post. It's meas- ured in how decisions are made, and who they're made for… when the cameras aren't rolling.