Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/234240
4 2013 in review maltatoday, SUNDAY, 29 DECEMBER 2013 The new face of Simon Busuttil was part of the leadership that suffered a 36,000-vote drubbing in March 2013. Can the new PN leader change the fortunes of the unpopular Opposition and bring its finances back in order? By JURGEN BALZAN THE PN's electoral drubbing in March was not only unprecedented in terms of the defeat's magnitude, but it also brought to an end a 30-year era in which the PN was the dominant political force, with Labour permanently living in its shadow. Now that the PN hegemony was shattered by Prime Minister Joseph Muscat's Labour Party, the PN is in an unique and unenviable position. While fatigue, and costly errors such as the honoraria saga and the oil scandal, were factors in its downfall, the underlining factor was credibility and the lack of it. When Simon Busuttil took over the party's helm in May, he inherited a party with zero credibility and a party in shambles. In recent political history, only Labour under Alfred Sant's stewardship in the early 90s faced a similar predicament, with the former Labour leader having to rebuild the party from scratch. Busuttil's election as PN leader will undoubtedly draw comparisons with that of Joseph Muscat, who was also elected party leader after a stint in the European Parliament in 2008. But Busuttil starts at a disadvantage when compared to Muscat, because the PN not only suffered an unprece- dented drubbing but he also tarnished his immaculate reputation by playing a major role in the PN's defeat. When in opposition, the PN always showed itself to be a formidable force, as Dom Mintoff and Alfred Sant could testify, however the circumstances are now different. Labour and Muscat have an aura of invincibility around them while the PN is still a 'work-inprogress'. The roots of the PN trashing go beyond the 2008 election, when the PN won by a whisker. The haemorrhage of votes dates back to the 2003 election, which was characterised by EU membership, and the PN probably won the election by default because the majority of the electorate wanted Malta to join the EU. The PN now has a long road ahead of it and Busuttil's performance in the coming months could shape the party's future in the next five to 10 years. The party has no major battle cry, as it had with democracy in the 1980s and EU membership in the late 1990s. But Busuttil's first priority must be to rebrand his party and regain credibility, both on a personal and party level. Now under the leadership of Simon Busuttil, the Nationalist Party project a 'work-in-progress' vibe against the invincible aura that presently surrounds Joseph Muscat's Labour Party Busuttil's leadership Seven months down the line, doubts remain over Busuttil's capability of wooing back the swarm of voters who deserted the PN in the March elec- tion. Busuttil's popularity among PN voters is indisputable, with MaltaToday surveys held before his election as leader showing that he enjoyed the support of slightly over 50% of respondents – the same level he enjoyed among the 900 councillors who voted him in office in May. However, the same surveys showed Busuttil trailing behind current PN deputy leader Mario de Marco in all the other categories of voters, including former PN voters who switched to Labour in the last general election. The suggestion that Nationalist councillors were in sync with the wishes of 43% of voters who still voted PN in the past general election, while singing from a different hymn sheet from the wider electorate, might have been addressed by the election of de Marco and Beppe Fenech Adami as party deputy leaders. Busuttil's popularity with PN voters has also been steadily growing since taking over the party, however, he still lags behind Prime Minister Joseph Muscat in the popularity ratings, with the latest MaltaToday survey showing that Muscat enjoys a 17-point lead over his former colleague in the European Parliament. The PN leader's stature has also un- dergone a slow but steady transformation, with Busuttil gaining confidence and composure in his public appearances following a nervous and almost sheepish start. Yet, this is not enough to close the gap on Labour. The PN needs to convince the electorate that it offers a better alternative to Labour and with an ever-growing divisive political scene and Joseph Muscat's overwhelming presence, the PN needs take the game to a different level. Credibility The PN's biggest difficulty remains credibility. Since Busuttil's election, the PN has led aggressive campaigns against the controversial citizenship scheme, government appointments and ministers' declaration of assets. Although the PN's criticism was legitimate, the party is still exposed to counter-criticism that the pot is once again calling the kettle black. Credibility is lost easily but it takes a painfully long time to regain. The PN and Busuttil cannot regain the people's trust overnight, however it should not stop them from calling a spade a spade. The Labour government is bound to slip up and its 'Malta Taghna Lkoll' mantra is there for the Opposition's taking, yet the PN has to reconstruct its credibility while con- Simon Busuttil being sworn in as Opposition leader by President George Abela (right) in March of this year