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MW April 23 2014

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maltatoday, WEDNESDAY, 23 APRIL 2014 9 News PHOTOGRAPHY BY RAY ATTARD MEP elections: It's all about him a verdict on Joseph Muscat's gov- ernment. Given that a discussion on Eu- rope never really took off, it is not surprising that both major par- ties are seeing this election as a poll on the PM's record in govern- ment. Muscat rightly takes pride in his government's track record of reforms in its first year in office. These include an impressive list of laws passed through parlia- ment: a whistleblower's act which grants protection to those de- nouncing corruption, a civil un- ions act which brings full equali- t y between same sex and opposite sex couples, and social measures like free child care for all, which concretely addresses the under- employment of women which plagues the Maltese economy. Muscat's mantra – that he has done more than the Nationalists in 25 years when it comes to cer- tain issues – does contain a grain of truth. Clearly, the civil unions issue also gives Muscat the chance to project himself as a principled leader, thus exorcising memories of last year's push back threat, which alienated a number of lib- eral voters. Muscat now promises even more, announcing plans to de- criminalise drug use for first- time offenders. There is no doubt that Labour has delivered on these issues while honouring its electoral pledge to reduce utilit y bills. Still, Labour's reform baggage is not devoid of controversial de- cisions, particularly in the plan- ning sector. One theme which was absent from Muscat's speeches was the environment, which in Malta is intrinsically linked to planning. This omission speaks volumes when one considers how plan- ning sector has seen the com- plete overhaul of policies in the past year, probably more than any other sector. In fact Muscat's omission may even be seen as a sign of embar- rassment and internal discomfort with the part y's endorsement of the pro-development lobby. Moreover, even the pledge to lower utilit y bills comes with a partial privatisation of Enemalta, which sees Shanghai Power buy- ing the BWSC plant and the Elec- tro Gas Consortium having a mo- nopoly on gas supply. Moreover, under Muscat the country has shown signs of insti- tutional regression, with Labour MPs being appointed directly by government on government boards and the government of- fering an amnest y to corrupters (mostly businesses) who bribed Enemalta officials to tamper with their smart meters. In this context, Busuttil 's in- vitation to show the yellow card to Muscat strikes a chord with a certain part of the electorate, including some switchers, who are turned off by Muscat's self- projection as a larger-than-life figure. The PN's 'negative' strategy may be effective among voters who fear an over-confident Labour government which boosted by another electoral triumph, will feel confident enough to assert its hegemony and control over Mal- tese societ y. In some ways, the PN's negative strategy is as much a zero-sum catch-all strategy as Labour's catch all reformism. In this scenario, the PN panders to various fears. While social conservatives may fear a drift to secularisation, liberals may fear an overpowering state which en- croaches on established checks and balances. Other groups fearing a no- holds-barred government in- clude environmentalists fearing a building frenzy paved by the policies currently being drafted by the government and even so- cialists who dread Muscat's pro- business mantra. Still such an 'anti reformist strategy' devoid of any ideologi- cal coherence may backfire on the PN. For while Muscat has managed to articulate a 'pro-business' and socially liberal vision, the PN has been overtaken from the centre, the left and the right by Muscat's hegemonic aspirations. Re-exhuming the abortion card Moreover, the PN may be tempted to go overboard, raising artificial fears on Labour intro- ducing abortion at some time in the future. This was evident in a lame at- tempt to exhume the abortion issue during a press conference on civil unions addressed by civil liberties minister Helena Dalli on Monday. Similar fears were raised by former PN leader Lawrence Gonzi in an article penned on the Times of Malta, aptly titled 'What's next?' The abortion issue remains the ultimate scaremongering card in the PN's old bag of electoral tricks, even if may well be the case that opinions on this issue are less homogenous and abso- lutist than before. Such tactics may further alienate social liber- als without making any inroads among traditionalists in the La- bour camp. Moreover, even people who op- pose abortion realise that this is not an issue in Malta because women who need an abortion could have it performed in a for- eign clinic. This makes the abor- tion card more of an obsession of the conservative wing, rather than being a politically relevant argument. In the absence of a vision and strategically bold moves which could inspire new voters, the PN may come across as an unwieldy coalition of the disgruntled unit- ed by fear rather than hope in a different future. In this scenario, the part y's un- willingness to openly support a referendum on spring hunting is even more astounding. So is the PN's reluctance to hit out at La- bour's links with the construc- tion lobby. For while the PN faces these elections with an unresolved identit y crisis which still con- sumes it from within, Muscat still manages to steam roll his agenda on all too complacent part y where a slavish unanimit y conceals any ideological differences. The Labour Party's reluctance to openly support the spring hunting referendum is quite astounding Joseph Muscat

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