Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/451763
14 IF any party leader has ever had a baptism of fire, that must surely be Simon Busuttil. In June 2013, the former MEP inherited a Nationalist Party still reeling from its worst-ever electoral drubbing. It later transpired that the PN was also riddled by debts rumoured to run into millions of eu- ros. Turning things around was never going to be easy, especially when you consider that Busuttil himself – rightly or wrongly – is perceived as a continuation of the preceding administration: he was both deputy PN leader during the election cam- paign, and also author of the PN's manifesto. Today, two years after his ascen- sion as party leader, our latest survey indicates that – in the broader pic- ture – the PN has yet to regain any substantial ground since its colossal defeat in March 2013. So my first question for Dr Busuttil when we meet at the PN headquarters in Pieta' is: how does he account for the sur- vey results? Why has the electorate not (apparently) responded to the change of leadership since then? "If I had to be led by surveys, in- cluding negative surveys, then I would not be here in the first place. My starting point is known: it was the most difficult starting point for any leader of the Nationalist Party – or for any party in this country – post-independence. So I do not al- low myself to be led or influenced by surveys. I am here to do a job, and that job is to rebuild and regenerate the Nationalist Party and turn it into a credible and viable alternative to government. Anything in the way, including obstacles such as negative surveys are not going to influence me: I will not allow myself to be derailed from this overriding objective." Yet the objective, in his own words, is the regeneration of the PN. The survey suggests that the party is not being regenerated enough to im- prove its standing with the elector- ate. How does he interpret that? "I think this is perfectly normal. In any electoral cycle one would expect that the people would give all the benefit of the doubt to the incum- bent government… especially one that has been put into office after so many years, like the Labour one. It is also to be expected that the peo- ple would give less attention to the Opposition: because it has been put in Opposition. I think – and this is a pattern one can see also in other countries – that it will take time for us to turn the corner. But if you look […] closer at the survey results, you will start seeing things which are changing. For instance: from a high of almost 60% in terms of popularity, Joseph Muscat has gone down by 16 points to 44%. I would say that is sig- nificant, in just under two years. As to me, I started from 25% and I have slowly but steadily increased to 29%. So things are moving. But as I said initially, I will not allow surveys to influence me or get me to give up." At the same time there has been criticism that his own close associa- tion with the previous administra- tion may have something to do with this. Busuttil was the public face of an electoral campaign that went on to lose. Couldn't this also be reflect- ed in the PN's current ratings? "Using your argument and tak- ing it to its logical conclusion… by the same token, I should think that Joseph Muscat was much more closely associated with Alfred Sant's anti-EU bandwagon, which was soundly defeated 10 years ago. And yet he came back and made the big- gest electoral victory in our post- independence history. So I wouldn't write anyone off so easily. As to me, I'm much newer in the national par- liament than Muscat. I have been an MP for less than two years. And of course I was associated with the pre- vious Nationalist party under Law- rence Gonzi: I was an MEP for nine years. I was part of this party, and am proud of it. But being written off for having been the deputy leader of this party during the electoral campaign, and putting it as if I was to blame for the defeat… I think that is taking things a little too far […] If you wish to conclude that the defeat was at- tributable to me, that's your conclu- sion to make." I didn't say Busuttil was responsible for all the factors that led to the de- feat; but that, as the campaign leader for the PN, he had already been re- jected by the electorate when he was made party leader… "In the same manner as Joseph Muscat was rejected in the 2003 EU referendum and the 2004 election. In the same manner. And yet he came back to grab the largest electoral vic- tory for Labour…" Yet his own answer seems to pin- point the difference between the two scenarios. Muscat was associated with Sant's anti-EU platform in 2004, but he did not present the same plat- form in 2013. "I'm sorry?" The Labour Party has changed its policy on the EU… "Has it?" As far as I can see, yes. It's not advocating 'partnership' any more. It's not proposing pulling out of the EU… "Has [Muscat] ever said he was wrong about EU membership?" I'm not interviewing Joseph Mus- cat… "No you're interviewing me, and I can reply. He has never done so [...] In fact he hasn't changed his policy, either. He merely accepted reality…" Perhaps, but the result was still a different policy. And this seems to be the clean opposite of what is hap- pening within the PN right now. In the past 18 months, there have been no discernible policy changes – this is an opinion, of course, to which he is invited to react –from the ones presented by Gonzi before the last election. A couple of examples: in Busuttil's speech at the recent convention of ideas, when talking about the gov- ernment's current energy plans, he said: "Mela kellna ragun ahna" (So we were right). Another example is hunting. Busuttil has just come out with his position on the referendum: it is indistinguishable from both Gonzi's and Fenech Adami's policy, which was in favour of a spring dero- gation. Most ironic of all, it is indis- tinguishable from the Labour gov- ernment's, too. So in what ways has Busuttil changed the PN's policies? "First of all you are not correct. Our position on hunting is different from how you put it." How so? "The party has said very clearly that it would give full freedom to the peo- ple to vote without being influenced by a position in favour or against by the Nationalist Party." But freedom to vote is not the PN's to give. It is a right enjoyed by the electorate anyway. "Without being influenced, how- ever. The position of our party is to allow people to vote without being unduly influenced by the party itself. We could have taken a position for or against the spring hunting refer- endum; instead, we didn't. We chose to allow the people full freedom to vote in the manner they wished." But his own position is to vote 'Yes'. Won't that influence voters? "As to my position, I explained why I will vote in favour of the deroga- tion: because I was myself involved in the negotiating team that obtained it. What you have here is a change of position from Joseph Muscat, if any- thing; because after he spent years telling hunters that no derogation was achieved, he is now making a full U-turn and voting in favour of this derogation that WE [heavy empha- sis] negotiated. And that we defend- ed in the European Court of Justice. So I stress: my position is based on my personal experience on this dero- gation. I took it because consistency dictates that I stick to the word that I gave to the people, including hunt- ers." But doesn't this also mean that Busuttil is constrained by his past involvement, which has limited his options as to what position he can take? And doesn't this also suggest that, for the same reason, perhaps a person who was so closely associated with those policies shouldn't be lead- ing the PN today? "By the same token, Joseph Muscat shouldn't be leading Labour either." Perhaps he shouldn't. But I'm ask- ing Simon Busuttil… "And I gave you my reply." [Pause] OK, let's turn to the energy sector. Does he still think the PN govern- ment was right with its energy pro- posals, and that – by the same token – the electorate was wrong to vote against them? "The electorate is always right. Let's get that out of the way. This is abso- lutely clear, and I bow my head to the decision of the electorate, whatever it is, whenever it is. I hope that is clear. As to the energy policy, we now see a completely different policy from that which the Labour government had promised to the electorate. And when compared to the policy that we were offering in our manifesto, I am claiming that our policy was clearer and more achievable. "So people were conned into voting for Joseph Muscat. What we have today is people receiving lower elec- tricity bills, but paying higher petrol and diesel prices than they should be paying. The Maltese people are not getting any advantage whatsoever for the drastically reduced prices that there are all over Europe in pet- rol and diesel. So when you look at this energy issue very closely you will see that we were very honest about our policy – warts and all: it was not perfect; the transition to gas, for in- stance, could have been achieved faster – but it was certainly more honest than the policy presented by Muscat. "Today, we are seeing Muscat per- forming things that he did not prom- ise, and breaking promises that he made. I wish to also add one bit on the broader policy issues […]. What I did, as part of the process of regen- eration, is set up 10 policy fora. And I asked these policy fora, not just to come up with new ideas, but to give me paradigm shifts in terms of policy-making in the respective areas that they are looking into. "So yes, I will come back on this in due course, when the policy fora would have performed their duty, [and] reported back to me. What I want from them are the best ideas that, as the Nationalist Party, we will put forward to the country in the years to come." I'm noticing, however, that Busuttil consistently talks in the future tense: about what he will do, rather than what he is doing. Likewise, when effecting a shadow cabinet reshuf- fle last month, he said this was 'only the start'. Yet the actual start was 18 months ago, when he became leader. Some might say the start was late in coming. What has Dr Busuttil done since June 2013, and is doing now, to reverse the tide of the PN's for- tunes? "I'm rebuilding the party. The party needs to be rebuilt organisationally, by changing the statute of the party to ensure a thorough re-organisation. Interview By Raphael Vassallo maltatoday, SUNDAY, 25 JANUARY 2015 'Don't write anyone CORRUPTION The brothers of George Farrugia had to be arraigned as well, but were for some reason not arraigned under this Labour government. And guess what? Their lawyer was the former minister, Manuel Mallia TRANSPARENCY I'm not going to be transparent just for the sake of being transparent, then prejudicing the commercial operations of my party