Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/664438
maltatoday, SUNDAY, 10 APRIL 2016 News 13 Muscat's 'harm reduction' options THANKS to Muscat's exasperating seven-week defence of Mizzi and Schembri if the two are removed, opposition leader Simon Busuttil could plausibly claim that Muscat has finally acted thanks to his Nationalist Party's unrelent- ing pressure on the government. But if Muscat does remove Mizzi and Schembri from their of- fices, Busuttil will find himself losing his most valuable weapon so far in his bid to win the next general election. The problem for Busuttil would be how to keep people talking about Panama if the two protagonists depart from the scene. This ex- plains why Busuttil has presented a motion of no confidence in Muscat. In this way, he is keeping Panama in the spotlight while question- ing the PM's role in the matter. He is also mak- ing it more difficult for Muscat to ditch Mizzi and Schembri. In so doing, he risks appearing as being more motivated by partisan brinkman- ship than moral considerations. Conveniently for the PN leader, by leaving his fate in the hands of Muscat instead of resigning on his own account, Mizzi has reinforced Bu- suttil's argument that the buck stops with Mus- cat. But by expecting Muscat to resign in the absence of hard evidence linking Muscat to Panamagate, Busuttil risks going overboard. But any half measure which would keep Mizzi or Schembri with a fin- ger in the pie, may give Bu- suttil further ammu- nition to keep talking about Pan- amagate, especially if new relevations come to the surface. But Busuttil must be wary of going overdoing it. By presenting a motion of no confidence in Muscat, he is giving the impression that his goal is to topple the government, which still enjoys a democratic mandate. Surely Busuttil is con- stitutionally right in saying that even if the im- possible happens and the motion is approved, Labour can still govern with a new government. Still, Busuttil risks sounding divisive. The row- dy scenes in front of the law courts on Wednes- day, fully exploited by the Labour media, stand as a warning on the risks of raising the political temperature. Moreover, picking on a criminal libel presented by a former police commission- er, deflected attention from Panamagate itself. Surely Busuttil has proved himself as a per- severing leader who can put a nine-seat ma- jority in serious difficulty. But Busuttil also needs the next two years to project himself as a future leader people can believe in and who can bring about change – an arduous task for a leader who has still to ditch the perception of continuity with the Gonzi government. One risk of Panamagate is for the PN to start believing that it can win without renewing it- self and presenting itself as a changed party. Not walking its own talk on good governance by skirting around party financing rules is an ex- ample of this. MUSCAT may well have realised that he has no oth- er choice but to ditch his two closest collaborators in government. He will certainly still defend their integrity and one can expect a symbolic act to grant them redemption, similar to the "soldier of steel" title bestowed on Cyrus Engerer when his candidature at the MEP elections was withdrawn after a court sentence. One major dilemma in this case would be whether Muscat would have to find another less visible role for Mizzi and Schembri. Another un- certainty is posed by the fact that Mizzi has also been elected deputy leader, which means that Mus- cat must find more than one replacement for Mizzi. Another major dilemma would be whether to pre- sent Mizzi again as a candidate at the next election, something which would resurrect the Panama scandal in the general election campaign. Keeping Schembri in the loop may be easier, as his role is less visible, but keeping his distance from a close friend and collaborator may be difficult for Muscat. Muscat may well use ditching Mizzi and Schembri as an example of his willingness to adjust himself to public sentiment. He may even grab the opportunity to realign himself with party veterans like Evarist Bartolo, Leo Brin- cat and George Vella, yearning for greater sobriety and a return to social democratic values. In fact, after heeding the warnings of the party's gran- dees, Muscat may well adopt a more collegial style of leadership, which may be the safest way to prevent more scandals emerging in the next two years. This may be an effective strategy to win back disgruntled Labourites and switchers, especially those who feel ideologically distant from Muscat's pro-business approach. Yet this may come at a cost as Muscat's clout as leader would be diminished, having succumbed to both external and internal pressure. Therefore he may well be tempted by a half measure which takes account of public sentiment while keeping Schembri and Mizzi in the government's and party's "central nervous system". THE IMPLICATIONS FOR BUSUTTIL: PANAMA AS A LIFELINE? SACKING MIZZI AND SCHEMBRI: 'I HAVE LISTENED AND I HAVE ACTED' MUSCAT er choice but to ditch his two closest collaborators in government. He will certainly still defend their integrity and one can expect a symbolic act to grant them redemption, similar to the "soldier of whether Muscat would have to find another less visible role for Mizzi and Schembri. Another un- certainty is posed by the fact that Mizzi has also been elected deputy leader, which means that Mus- cat must find more than one replacement for Mizzi. Another major dilemma would be whether to pre- sent Mizzi again as a candidate at the next election, something which would resurrect the Panama scandal in the general election campaign. Keeping Schembri in the loop may be easier, as his role is less visible, but keeping his distance from a close friend and collaborator may be SACKI