Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/773562
9 the EU does not have much of a choice about the choice of rep- resentatives made by its member states, even if these undermine its credibility. Otherwise the same euroscep- tics who accuse the EU of har- bouring corrupt elements will lament that the Commission is turning Europe into a super state with draconian powers over member states. The EU has al- ready faced a similar embarrass- ing situation with Berlusconi as Italian PM when he was facing a series of embarrassing allega- tions, apart from being found guilty of abusive business prac- tices. The embarrassment felt by other Prime Ministers who had to deal with him was more than evident. But nobody dared call- ing a spade a spade. Instead, some suspect that Germany used economic means to decapitate Berlusconi and pave the way for a technocratic government led by Mario Monti. Eurosceptics still blame his removal from power on the EU. What still begs the question is why Muscat government's has not yet published the results of the two audits, an external one by an overseas unnamed firm, and one by the Inland Revenue Department, promised by the Prime Minister. The delay sug- gests that Muscat is still finding an appropriate political timing for two audits which will prob- ably add very little to what we already know. For example they will not help us understand why Mizzi tried to open a secret bank account in Dubai, because it was never opened. Busuttil against EU establishment So what has Busuttil gained by standing up to Juncker – the EPP candidate for the EU Presidency supported by Busuttil and his party in 2014? Busuttil may have struck a chord with traditional Labour voters, some of whom still distrust EU institutions. For while Busuttil was careful to re- mind his local audience that it was thanks to the PN's efforts that Malta joined the EU in 2004, he did come across as someone who does not suffer from any in- feriority complex when standing up to EU politicians like Juncker. He may also have struck a chord with many who had voted for membership in 2003 in the hope that EU institutions would not al- low Maltese governments to ride roughshod on good governance issues. This may well sound like a legacy of colonialism (that we expect foreigners to clean up our own mess) but it also reflects dec- ades of frustration over the abil- ity of local politicians to survive serious cases of impropriety. See- ing Mizzi accepted as an inter- locutor by EU counterparts must be a big disappointment for this category of voters who voted for the EU to bring about an upgrad- ing in governance standards. In this sense Busuttil was express- ing their hurt. In this way Busuttil has man- aged to dispel the popular per- ception that he is too deferential towards the EU institutions, a reputation he earned as the face of the EU membership campaign by making a pitch against an EU establishment which seems oblivious to public concerns on corruption. Yet unlike anti es- tablishment populists in other countries, by calling Juncker to take a stance on Mizzi, Busuttil is calling for more Europe rather than less Europe. Busuttil may be hinting that good governance and fiscal propriety is an issue impacting on the EU as a whole by undermining the confidence of citizens in its institutions, and therefore the EU has a collective responsibility to address it. But such a stance jars with the PN's historic opposition to tax harmonisation in the EU in its bid to defend Malta's financial services industry, which is in- creasingly under the spotlight over the burning issue of tax jus- tice – made more urgent by the Panama revelations. One can't note the contrast between the PN's historical defence of subsid- iarity on tax issues and Busuttil expecting action from the Com- mission against Mizzi. By raising the Panama issue in front of the EU Commission while speaking in the national parliament, Busuttil reminded Muscat that the issue would not go away. The risk for Busuttil is that of coming across as a spoiler who instead of turning the opening of the presidency into a day of national unity, he brought to the fore a divisive issue. This gives Muscat the occasion to present himself as the moder- ate leader facing extremists who cannot even have a break on an important day for the country. Muscat knows that expecting the opposition to go silent on serious matters on the pretext of national unity borders on the totalitarian, therefore he has used another tactic: that of using his speech in parliament to sound moderate and unifying. Muscat's inclusive pitch And that was clearly Muscat's intention when he praised for- mer Prime Minister Eddie Fene- ch Adami and Lawrence Gonzi for their role in securing Malta joining the EU, forgetting that Simon Busuttil had an equally important role. Inadvertently Muscat reminded voters that on that historical oc- casion he was the counterpart of Busuttil, providing informa- tion against the EU in a TV pro- gramme called Made in Brussels. But while Muscat cannot escape the reality that if he had his way in 2003, Malta would not be host- ing the Presidency, he has man- aged to convey a message of in- clusion in what has been hyped as a historical day. This explains the overdrive of billboards and radio adverts depicting the Presidency as a culmination of Malta's long road to Europe. Muscat does come across as statesmanlike when generically talking about the challenges fac- ing Europe and in his hawkish approach to Brexit; by making it clear that Britain cannot ex- pect to retain access to the single market while giving up on free movement. Inevitably the presi- dency does elevate his interna- tional standing and he is rising to the occasion. But he has little to say when it comes to substance. While superficially reprimand- ing Europe for not speaking in the people's language and hinting at a need to secure the borders, Muscat did not contribute any- thing to the debate on whether we should have more or less Europe in crucial matters like taxation, an area where Malta is increasingly under the spotlight. Electorally Muscat may well be yearning to present himself as a "moderate" who compensates for losses made among switchers and traditional Labour voters by making further inroads among traditional centre-right National- ist voters. These voters may see the Presidency as a demonstra- tion of continuity with the Fene- ch Adami and Gonzi eras. This pitch contrasts with the PN's criticism of EU institutions, and the clearance issued by the Commission for the new Elec- trogas Delimara power station on Wednesday, the same day of the commencement of proceedings of the Maltese Presidency. Perversely in a reversal of roles the PN found itself shooting down a verdict which found that the new power station is not in breach of state aid regulations. While granting legitimacy to a power station described by the opposition as a "monument of corruption", the verdict exposes the double standards of an in- creasingly neo liberal EU which forbids state aid for ailing indus- tries like Air Malta while accept- ing a deal which obliges a Maltese state owned company to buy its energy for 18 years from a private company whose financial exist- ence depends on such a deal. This may suggest that Labour may be even more in tune with the neo liberalism advocated by the EU Commission than the PN itself. maltatoday, SUNDAY, 15 JANUARY 2017 EU Presidency Joseph's washing machine, punching bag Seeing Mizzi as an interlocutor for EU counterparts must be a big disappointment for those who voted for the EU to upgrade governance standards Busuttil risks coming across as a spoiler who instead of turning the opening of the presidency into a day of national unity, brought to the fore a divisive issue PHOTO DOI - KEVIN ABELA Jean Claude Juncker (left) being escorted by the Prime Minister