Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/990836
maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 6 JUNE 2018 6 NEWS ANALYSIS JOSEPH Muscat in Opposi- tion and during his first three years in government came across as an agile, charming, albeit cocky, leader. He was someone which the average Nationalist voter would not fear to see running the show. His first term of office also exorcised lingering fears of Labour's ability to manage the economy. This may explain why a category of PN voters who had voted Gonzi in 2013 shifted to Labour in 2017. But since Panamagate and particularly since his re-elec- tion in 2017, his troops on the social media – which include political appointees – have tainted his image as a moder- ate leader, by cultivating slav- ish adulation for the leader and showing contempt for critics. This also came as a result of the Egrant allegations which further polar- ised Maltese poli- tics around the figure of Joseph Muscat before the 2017 elec- tion. What re- mained consist- ent over the years has been Muscat's Teflon touch. When confronted by a prob- lem or facing trou- ble, he continues to show a remarkable ability to deflect the issue without enduring lasting damage. The latest polls showing Muscat trusted by 53% of the electorate indicate that he is still unscathed despite rising concerns on corruption, the environment, traffic and for- eigners. But is the weight of government taking its toll on Muscat's ability to nip prob- lems in the bud? The promise of change Elected in 2008 with the promise of making his party electable again he was given a blank cheque to transform it. He did so by diluting the core message to the least common denominator, which could appeal to the centre ground of Maltese politics. Consistently he remained a centrist on social and eco- nomic policies leaning to the right on wealth creation and to the left in distribution. This looked deceptive in Op- position when many like my- self suspected that he lacked a plan on how to how to square the circle. But in government he showed he had a plan: by pressing the accelerator on construction and attracting more foreigners to Malta, he found a way of finding more money to spend without hav- ing to resort to higher taxes. This has enabled him to exor- cise the specter of Mintoffian autarky even if in the long run, it may well impinge on his historical legacy, especial- ly if Maltese landscapes are ruined in the process. However, when it comes to civil liberties Muscat may well claim the title of eman- cipator. From his first days as Oppo- sition leader Muscat smelled an opportunity on the civil liberties front. Initially he moved very cau- tiously. He did not commit his party for divorce but cam- paigned personally for its in- troduction. When asked for his opinion in 2008 he expressed disa- greement with full marriage equality and gay adoptions. But as society changed, he grew bolder, especially after being elected in office in 2013, when he decisively embarked on changes, which changed people's lives. Up to that point he did so without being out of step with society. Yet there were also instanc- es where Muscat changed tack. One clear case was the environment. In his leadership bid 10 years ago, Muscat proudly spoke of his role in raising the golf course issue in the European parliament. 10 years later he presides over a government which has already approved four ODZ petrol stations on 12,000sq.m of agricultural land. In Opposition he smelled an opportunity by present- ing himself as a populist on immigration issues, a stance which he affirmed in his push back threat immediately af- ter being elected in office but from which he slowly moved away as the economy became increasingly reliant on foreign labour and the sale of pass- ports to rich oligarchs. In his second term Muscat is openly proclaiming his vision of a cosmopolitan Malta. The changing of the guard Muscat was also ready to re-open the doors both to the old guard and to disgrun- tled Nationalists. Unlike his predecessor, he did not bear grudges and was willing to ac- cept anyone who defects from the other side. Attending his first rally were former ministers kept at a dis- tance by Alfred Sant, includ- ing Wistin Abela, Salvu Sant, John Buttigieg and Joe Grima. Eventually he forged new alli- ances with ex-Nationalist like Alfred Sant's nemesis Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando, and ar- chitect and former PN mayor Robert Musumeci. Other Nationalists who joined Labour's winning team in its first legislature included former Net TV journalist Karl Stagno Navarra and former Lija mayor Ian Castaldi Paris. Muscat was never short of role models for Nationalists crossing the rubicon. Not to turn off these voters Muscat threaded carefully between honouring the Mint- offian legacy especially after the patriarch's death while opening his party to former PN voters by admitting that in 1987 people made the right choice in changing their gov- ernment. Even in his first term in of- fice his government was hesi- tant on erecting a monument for Mintoff in Castille square, initially opting for the more abstract 'eternal flame' mon- ument. While he opened his party to new recruits he was ruthless in eliminating any rival power base, removing Jason Micallef from secretary general and Anglu Farrugia from deputy leader. As PM he reluctantly but decisively axed Manuel Mal- lia and Michael Falzon when they became liabilities. All changed after Panama- gate, after which Muscat changed tack preferring to stick up for his closest col- laborators instead of ditching them to save face. In fact this represented the first sign of paralysis on Mus- cat's part. For although Muscat has survived Panamagate it re- mains the greatest blemish on his track record. And in this case Muscat failed to nip the problem in the bud, prefer- ring to invest his own politi- cal capital in saving the skins of Konrad Mizzi and Keith Schembri, thus fueling doubts on his motivation for doing so. More bullish after 2017 Emboldened by the result of last year's election, Muscat in his second term is more entrenched, bullish and reli- ant on cultivating consent on the social media. He is now someone who can elicit both devotion and fear. While he still panders to former Nationalists through an appeal to national unity and moderation whenever Joseph Muscat mark 3: Will he retain the Teflon touch? How does Joseph Muscat, a year into his second term in office, compare with himself as the Prime Minister elected in 2013 and the Opposition leader elected in 2008? JAMES DEBONO Will he retain the JAMES DEBONO