Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/990836
maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 6 JUNE 2018 7 NEWS ANALYSIS he speaks, his soldiers on the social media, including those recruited from the Nationalist Party, have become increas- ingly aggressive and hostile to dissenting voices. He has also been keener on cultivating a cult for Dom Mintoff. This may well be a symbol- ic concession to Labourites wary of the party's neo-liberal drift. But ultimately it also serves in projecting Muscat as a new Mintoff confronting 'conserv- ative' forces. In so doing he risks upset- ting those including converts from the PN, who still associ- ate Mintoff with fear and vio- lence. Muscat as a new Mintoff? This is reflected in a more hostile approach to the main- stream media including the European press which be- came increasingly critical fol- lowing the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia. Before even being elected Muscat was keen to pro- ject himself as 'Europeanist', something which accentuated the change from Alfred Sant's euroscepticism. His leadership bid was en- dorsed by European Social- ist and MEP Martin Schultz. In his first year in office he basked in favourable com- ments on the economist as a "rarity" in European social democracy. Yet 10 years on it is a social- ist MEP; Anna Gomes, who is leading a rule of law com- mittee investigating Muscat's government. Moreover, most critical reports are being pub- lished in newspapers with a centre-left European audi- ence like the Guardian and La Repubblica. Muscat's more confronta- tional attitude was summed up by his call on Labour sup- porters to turn up for a meet- ing on May 1 as a "reply" to the Daphne Project. But as he typically does, after raising fears of a showdown, Muscat simply appealed for national unity while address- ing the crowds, thus showing a remarkable ability of keep- ing the spirits of his troops high without himself enflam- ing their anger. But while Muscat plays the unity card, Labour support- ers, including government ap- pointees and MPs, have been bolder in their attacks on crit- ical voices like the archbishop and civil society protestors. Yet Muscat still can show some degree of flexibility when faced by widespread op- position. The recent amendments to the IVF bill which address concerns on anonymity of gametes and surrogacy- are testimony to this. This represents a degree of continuity with his approach in other controversies like Zonqor point and the IIP pro- gramme, where he changed the original proposals. The Teflon touch This ability to compromise from more extreme positions, remains one of Muscat's best skills in defusing popular an- ger. Yet the government ma- chine is also showing the signs of inertia in the face of bureaucratic blunders like the overcharging of costumers in electricity bills issued by ARMS. This is particularly danger- ous considering that Muscat had constructed his own im- age in contrast to the lethargic Gonzi administration in mat- ters like refunding VAT paid on car registration tax. Muscat also seems less keen to engage in debates even with an Opposition leader who is still struggling to assert his leadership in his own party. On the other hand Muscat seems keener on addressing the Labour crowds. Yet the greatest paradox of our times may well be that Muscat is being portrayed as a strongman at the very mo- ment when he is hinting that he won't be leading his party in the next general election. By saying that he will not stay on as leader, Muscat dis- pels fears that he is entrench- ing himself and his close aides in Castille. Yet will Muscat risk leaving a vacuum behind him? This may be Muscat's price to pay for playing the role of the strongman politi- cian. As society changed, he grew bolder, especially after being elected in office in 2013, when he decisively embarked on changes, which changed people's lives. Up to that point he did so without being out of step with society