Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1276949
13 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 9 AUGUST 2020 NEWS ly worked in its structures. It meant opting for the candidate who seemed most palatable for the Delia base. One may say that they have acted logical- ly and clinically in line with their objective of ridding the party of a lame duck heading towards electoral Armageddon. It had to be Bernard Grech, an outsider with no baggage in past PN administrations, and one who appeals to conservatives due to his past militancy against divorce, and who had the added advantage of not being shunned by the Daphne crowd whose vigils he addressed. The return of the clique? Yet such impecca- ble logic may betray the kind of r u t h - lessness which voters may find off-putting, a move which risks being depicted as the Byz- antine manoeuvring of an invisible clique by both Delia and the Labour media. Council- lors who have been deprived of having a say in shortlisting the candidates may feel tricked about being given the impression of voting in an open race. The choice may even dampen the enthusiasm of those who do not identify with Bernard Grech and who voted for a race because they had other candidates in mind. The reluctance of some candidates to with- draw from the race also suggests that an in- visible hand was running the show. People are bound to ask: whose hand was it? Delia has already capitalised on this. "Isn't this an open con- test? And yet, we have the few trying to choose one candidate," he said when interviewed on TVM's Xtra, accusing them of paying short shrift to de- mocracy and describing their actions as a secre- tive Vatican conclave. Grech's appointment with destiny It is now up to Ber- nard Grech to dispel this impression. One major advantage is that he fits the pro- file of what is ex- pected of a PN lead- er in the Eddie Fenech Adami and Lawrence Gonzi mould. Married with children (the quintes- sential perception of stability) and a rhetorical performance that carries gravitas. But to dispel the perception that he is a pawn in a chess game, he has to show clear- ly that he is his own man, that he has a coherent vi- sion and that despite his conservative roots he can lead a coalition of social liberal and conserva- tive voters. His answer to a question on abor- tion already showed political maturity with Grech skirting a facile rejection of the issue: "We're talking about principles, and abortion is one such principle that has to be discussed. If people say they 'want abortion', you are obliged to discuss it. You don't just decide, or let others decide for you; however, you are obliged to discuss it – and issue a position on what people think… Back in the day the Church felt it had the key to the truth. Out there, people think it differently: we have to recognise that reality." On such issues Grech may actually have more room for manoeuvre, simply because the conservative base won't doubt his intentions. Grech can also carry on the corruption battle while carrying no baggage of his own, some- thing which prevented Delia from sounding credible on the party's main battle cry. His strong stance on this issue also gives him greater flexibility in addressing other impor- tant social issues, without being accused as Delia was of diverting the party from its main crusade. Much also depends on Grech's social vision. For it was the detachment from working class voters which contributed to the PN's declin- ing fortunes in the less affluent parts of the country. Grech will have to answer questions on how he would address low wages, unaf- fordable housing and precarious labour. He would also have to juggle between the con- flicting interests and views within the PN's co- alition, where the party will struggle to strike a balance between civil society and social jus- tice activists and the support it traditionally received from big business. Grech will also be tested on immigration where the party is split between humanitarian liberals and admirers of Lega Nord leader Matteo Salvini. While Delia can rely on tribal loyalty and the depiction of Grech as a tool of the PN es- tablishment, Grech needs to assemble a coa- lition spanning across different categories of PN voters, including elderly tribalists who are over-represented among the restricted cote- rie of party members. But by starting to as- semble a winning coalition in his party which spans across ideological and factional divides, Grech would be sending a strong message to the country that he means business and will be giving Labour's establishment a run for their money. In this way the 'outsider' may pit himself as the underdog who can take on La- bour, reduce the gap in the next election and place himself in contention to become Prime Minister by 2028. In short, if Grech fails to excite now and simply wins by default, it is unlikely that he will shine when confronting Labour. And if Grech fails to shine, Delia may well win the contest. Having always shown his best in defending his embattled leadership, the prospect of a lame duck leader surviving once again, only to drag the party into the abyss, cannot be discounted. No wonder Labour spin doctors look on this prospect with glee. If Grech fails to excite now and simply wins by default, it is unlikely that he will shine when confronting Labour Return of the clique? The impeccable logic to field Bernard Grech may betray the kind of ruthlessness which voters find off-putting