Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1457526
11 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 6 MARCH 2022 NEWS factor captured by 'the best of times' motif. Abela is now ex- pected to correct the excesses of his predecessor both in terms of governance and environmen- tal issues. In this sense Muscat is now relegated to a 'nuisance factor', whose appearances risk upsetting Abela's balancing act. And while a super-majority could result in a more powerful Labour government, the pros- pect of losing it in the next weeks is enough to make Abela more humble and prone to U-turns when faced with opposition in Labour's own heartlands, where some may be tempted to abstain. The PN has come up with a real manifesto which also responds to popular concerns, and is not focused on a single issue Back in 2017, the PN's mani- festo was an afterthought with the party focusing all its ener- gies on exposing the corruption in Castille. While this gave the party a battlecry, it left voters struggling with everyday reali- ties cold. This time around the PN is focusing more on present- ing its vision, and although its manifesto is long and in some cases too technical, it does iden- tify the challenges faced by the country and address bread and butter issues like traffic (with its trackless tram proposal) and low income (with its albeit timid, liv- ing income proposal). But Labour has the advantage of starting the race as the party best placed to actually imple- ment its manifesto. And while the PN does come with a holistic vision of a new social pact, La- bour's neoliberal growth model still creates enough wealth to be dished out in targeted spending, tax cuts and grants to first-time buyers. While it remains unlikely that the PN's manifesto proposals on their own could reverse the trend, by presenting a cohe- sive manifesto the PN has gone some way in projecting itself as an alternative government. But to translate this into elec- toral gains, the PN still needs to convince voters that it has a strong frontbench able to imple- ment it. Abela and Grech are blander but less divisive figures than Busuttil and Muscat. The de- bate between the two remains one of the incognitos of the campaign Muscat never avoided debates with Busuttil, including ones in which he did not play home, as was the case of a pre-election debate on the Egrant question in which he demolished the PN leader. In contrast so far, Abela has avoided a face-off with Ber- nard Grech in an indication that the PM felt that he had noth- ing to gain from such a debate, which would have put the two rivals on an equal footing. But now that such a debate is inevitable and the pressure is fully on, Grech has to catch up by delivering crushing blows. He also has to appeal to voters who are tired of endless confronta- tion. One key difference with 2017 is that despite harsh attacks from both sides, neither of the two contenders are question- ing the democratic legitimacy of each other. For while in 2017 Busuttil found himself in the dif- ficult situation of looking at the eyes of an adversary which his party's billboards had placed be- hind bars, Grech has not crossed that line. And while this may make the debate less exciting, it also gives the Opposition leader the op- portunity to present himself as an alternative prime minister rather than an inquisitor. No coalitions this time around, but abstention and possibly a surprise on the third party front, which could be a major factor in determining the scale of Labour's victory One of the most interesting developments in the 2017 cam- paign was the PN's decision to formalise a "coalition" with Marlene Farrugia's Democrat- ic Party. While this could have represented a more continental evolution in Maltese politics, it provided Labour the chance to lash out at the "coalition of con- fusion". And crucially it was the PD which ended up electing two MPs at the cost of the PN. In the long term this was a major set- back for third-party politics be- cause after becoming a pet hate for Labour, the Farrugia couple burnt any good will from the PN by later obstructing Adrian De- lia's leadership bid. Rather than seeking any coali- tion, this time round the PN has come up with a bold proposal for electoral reform through which parties with at least 5% of the vote would get a seat, which would make real coalitions pos- sible in the future. But while third parties like ADPD running on their own steam have so far failed to inspire voters, Casso- la's independent candidature on two districts – which are also PN strongholds – may have an impact on the result. Cassola's fortunes also depend on the polls. Any recovery by the PN may reinvigorate pale blue voters in a last attempt to deny Labour a super-majority. On the other hand, if Grech's party does not turn things around in the campaign, these voters may be increasingly tempted to vote for someone they respect, with a solid track record which includ- ed campaigning for EU mem- bership, a near successful bid for the European Parliament in 2005, and a consistent opposi- tion to major development pro- jects in both PL and PN times, and lately an obsessive focus on the ethical standards of Labour MPs. jdebono@mediatoday.com.mt One key difference with 2017 is that despite harsh attacks from both sides, neither of the two contenders are questioning the democratic legitimacy of each other. For while in 2017 Busuttil found himself in the difficult situation of looking at the eyes of an adversary which his party's billboards had placed behind bars, Grech has not crossed that line Below: Marlene Farrugia (left) formed the Forza Nazzjonali coalition with Simon Busuttil