Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1547166
AFTER 22 years in the EU, it is high time we adopt a more cohe- sive framework to influence EU policy early. Our late reaction to the im- pact of the EU's Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) on Mal- ta is a telling example, which deserves a wider airing because it points to a broader pattern. It is a symptom of Malta's reac- tive approach to EU affairs. We wait for Brussels to act and then scramble to manage the conse- quences, rather than anticipate and seek to influence the direc- tion of policy decisions. ETS has been on the agenda for years. The EU's ETS Di- rective was adopted in 2003 and launched in 2005. It went through three phases, stretch- ing to 2020 with its extension to transport, the very part that hits an island state hardest. It was tabled in the Fit for 55 package in 2021. We therefore had more than two decades to understand the mechanism, and over five years to anticipate its impact. The costs now being quoted were entirely predictable for a country that imports almost everything and where connec- tivity is a lifeline. The amendments just tabled by Malta's MEPs are to be wel- comed, as are various related efforts from representative or- ganisations. The fact that both Labour and Nationalist MEPs have tabled proposals, despite doing so separately, shows the concern is national. This is pos- itive but going forward, the real dividend will come if all MEPs coordinate as one team when the national interest is at stake. As a small peripheral state, we cannot afford to react only when an EU directive is already hitting our costs. Better late than never is not a strategy, it is at best a mitigating meas- ure. We need early detection in Brussels, otherwise we risk sounding like an echo. Malta has a layered EU coor- dination system that reflects valuable domestic work but it is predominantly 'Malta talking to Malta' about the EU and not 'Malta talking to the EU'. The government-to-EU coor- dination sits elsewhere, namely, the EU Secretariat in the Office of the Prime Minister, the Min- istry for Foreign and European Affairs, the line ministries, and our Permanent Representation in Brussels. For day-to-day leg- islative business, this machine works. However, it is well known that in Brussels, 80% of the lobbying battle is won before a proposal is published. By the time Fit for 55 landed in 2021, the impact assessment, the policy options, and the derogations had all been shaped over two years of workshops, and expert groups and stakeholder papers. We needed to be more present and more vocal at that point when early engagement can make the biggest difference. In pushing for more upstream influence, we need a dedicated set-up for more EU strategic presence. Crucially, it cannot be the government only. Any such set-up must be formally coordinated with private sector representative bodies. This set- up should have three functions: Early intelligence, coalition building and participation. • Early intelligence: The job is to map the Commission Work Programme and the preparato- ry studies two years ahead and issue a quarterly 'What will hit Malta' risk register to Cabinet, parliament, and social partners. ETS would never have been a surprise had this been effec- tively in place. • Coalition building: Small states never win alone. We will not make headway by arguing that we are special, we need to argue on points of principle. This is best achieved by means of a permanent alliance-build- ing function for islands, periph- eries, and maritime economies. • Presence and participation: A bigger presence of Maltese technical experts within se- lected Commission DGs, key European parliament secretar- iats, EU institutions and busi- ness associations, is crucial. This would cost a fraction of what ETS compliance alone is costing the Maltese economy in 2026. Beyond compliance, we need representation that broadens our presence and participation where it matters most. Like- wise, we need to ensure a coor- dinated link between this ded- icated setup and all our MEPs. Ad hoc lobbying won't work If we continue to rely on late, ad hoc lobbying when costs are already reflected in invoic- es, we will always be asking for tardy amendments and dero- gations. If instead we invest in permanent, professional, joint government-private presence in Brussels, we will be better placed to influence debates from inception and follow them through. Playing defence, as we seem to be doing today, is a very different matter. Compliance and influence are distinct functions requiring very different skills sets, and we need to be well placed to do both. Brussels will not wait and neither should we. 5 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 18 OCTOBER 2026 OPINION Brussels will not wait and neither should we Norman Aquilina Chairman of a listed company and former Group CEO. He writes in his personal capacity Compliance and influence are distinct functions requiring very different skills sets, and we need to be well placed to do both. Brussels will not wait and neither should we