Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1547312
17 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 25 OCTOBER 2026 FEATURE Turkiye agree contested sea border underwater cables and pipelines linking Cyprus, Greece and pos- sibly Israel, that traverse this dis- puted area. Within this geopolitical framing it is crucial to understand how the latest Libya-Turkiye agreement came to be. A 2019 agreement revitalised It is actually a memorandum of understanding (MOU) Turkiye had initially signed in 2019 with the UN-recognised Libyan ad- ministration based in Tripoli. At the time, the agreement was re- jected by the rival Libyan admin- istration led by General Khalifa Haftar based in eastern Libya. The MOU defines the maritime border between Libya and Turki- ye in the eastern Mediterranean but it overlaps with Greek, Egyp- tian and Cypriot claims. Denounced in 2019 by Greece and other states, the agreement gained major significance last week when the Libyan admin- istration in the east dropped its objections and also approved the deal. The significance comes from the fact that for years, Haftar and Turkiye did not see eye to eye. In 2019, Turkiye had thwarted Haftar's attempt to take Tripoli by sending military assistance to the UN-recognised government. Roll forward seven years and Turkiye has warmed up to both of Libya's rival administrations, gaining a significant foothold in the north African country. When news of the Beng- hazi-based parliament's approval of the MOU filtered through, it was immediately shot down by Greece. The Greek foreign min- ister described it as "illegal, null and void", insisting it "infringes upon the sovereign rights of states in the region". Similar condemna- tions of the agreement were made by Egypt, Cyprus and the EU. Indeed, the Libya-Turkiye ar- rangement effectively overlooks the existence of Crete, the largest of the Greek islands in the eastern Mediterranean. Silence from Malta For Attard, the Greek argument that the agreement disregards the maritime entitlements of its is- lands, is of interest to Malta. "A bi- lateral agreement cannot, by itself, extinguish the maritime rights of third states and the Greek argu- ment highlights the challenges faced by islands and island states, as well as the wider implications of maritime delimitation disputes in the Mediterranean," he says. The strategic lesson for Malta, Attard argues, is that it must safe- guard its own maritime interests consistently and support the prin- ciple that bilateral agreements cannot prejudice the lawful rights of third states. "All the while, Mal- ta must ensure that its own EEZ ambitions rest on a clear and de- fensible legal foundation," he says. The Maltese Government has so far not commented publicly about the Libya-Turkiye agreement. Questions sent to the Maltese Foreign Ministry by MaltaToday remained unanswered by the time of writing. If past behaviour is anything to go by, Malta's position would be represented by the collective voice of the EU, ostensibly so as not to prejudice its relations with either Libya and Turkiye. Malta enjoys good relations with Libya's Tripoli administration and has over the past three years warmed up to the Benghazi side as well. On 13 October, Deputy Prime Minister Ian Borg headed a minis- terial delegation that visited Beng- hazi "to follow progress in talks on the reunification of Libya and explore opportunities for cooperation in various sectors". A day later, Home Affairs Min- ister Glenn Bedingfield was in Tripoli meeting his counterpart to discuss irregular migration and security cooperation. Malta also enjoys good rela- tions with Turkiye, suffice to say that last week a Turkish delega- tion led by Deputy Health Min- ister Şuayip Birinci met with Deputy Prime Minister Ian Borg in Malta with the two countries actively exploring a new health- care cooperation agreement. The warm relations Malta has with both countries may ex- plain its reluctance to publicly express its views on the Lib- ya-Turkiye maritime border de- lineation agreement. Protecting Malta's interests But Attard believes Malta should neither remain silent in the face of developments that may affect its maritime inter- ests nor treat the agreement as an immediate national security crisis. "Malta's response should combine legal preparedness, diplomatic engagement and coordination with its European partners," he says. Although on paper the geo- graphical coordinates laid down in the Libya-Turkiye MOU do not appear to have an impact on Malta's maritime interests, At- tard believes Malta should still carry out its own checks. "It should then engage con- structively on a bilateral and multilateral level while sup- porting the basic principle that peaceful settlement of maritime disputes should be made in full respect of international mari- time law," he says. At EU level, Attard insists, Malta should advocate a con- sistent approach that safeguards the maritime rights of member states and promote dialogue and regional stability. "To my mind, one funda- mental principle must be clear; agreements between other states cannot, by themselves, and in any way determine or prejudice Malta's lawful mari- time rights," he says. Malta has so far been relative- ly inactive in exploiting its EEZ. According to the Continental Shelf Department, Malta's con- tinental shelf has been covered by extensive seismic surveys in search of oil and gas but tested by only 11 exploratory wells. The more recent ventures concern a licence granted to oil giant Chevron in May 2026, to carry out desktop studies of available geological data for ar- eas to the south of the islands, and an ongoing tendering pro- cess for a floating offshore wind farm to be located outside ter- ritorial waters in the south or southeast. Nonetheless, despite the dearth of activity in its EEZ, At- tard insists Malta should pro- tect its maritime interests. "It should be a priority to provide legal certainty for prospective investors and ensure offshore resources can be developed in a stable and predictable envi- ronment, without compromis- ing regional stability or Malta's commitment to international law," he says. Deputy PM Ian Borg leading a Maltese ministerial delegation in Benghazi on 13 October 2026 Home Affairs Minister Glenn Bedingfield meeting his counterpart in Tripoli on 14 October 2026 David 'dp' Attard "The Mediterranean's relatively confined geography means that the potential maritime entitlements of neighbouring littoral states frequently overlap, making the delimitation of maritime boundaries particularly sensitive," Attard says