Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1544052
AS things stand, following a sudden, unexpected resigna- tion by former leader Bernard Grech and the election of Alex Borg, the PN is still facing im- mense pressure to restructure internal mechanisms, update policy platforms, and redefine its public image. It is still suf- fering from weak societal roots and limited resources. Over and above all this, it is still a party struggling to solid- ify its leadership, engage mem- bers, and distinguish itself from its mainstream competitor and other emerging political organ- isations. One major issue the PN has long been trying to solve over the last two decades is to secure sustainable funding and build stronger connections with the electorate. If the PN is aiming to re-emerge on the political scene as a plausible alternative government it must effectively manage these tensions to im- prove responsiveness to voters while avoiding the pitfalls of permanent, adversarial elec- toral mobilisation. Following the last three gen- eral elections, which saw the PN suffer the worst defeats in its long history, the path to regaining government in- volves a long-term strategy of rebuilding its brand, uniting its internal factions, and re- claiming the centre ground. An internal-unite strategy alone is unlikely to provide a majority, making it crucial to win back moderate, centre-right voters who, for various reasons, are deciding not to cast their vote in the ballot box. Voters never reward division, and entrenched ideology is the fuel for internal factional fight- ing. A hard-headed, data-driv- en approach to why it keeps on losing is crucial, but the PN steered clear of such an ap- proach, wasting its long years in opposition and never finding its feet. After such significant defeats, the default assumption is that the PN's path to recovery will be long and hard, as in 1987. But a more volatile electorate means old assumptions don't hold—there is already a real chance that it can plot a path to power in 2026 or 2027. There is a growing number of Labour voters who are now saying they regret their vote, indicative of dissatisfaction and upset with the Labour Party. Given that such Labour vot- ers are significant in terms of vote share, the PN should focus closely on what could tempt these Labour voters to its fold, as had already happened dur- ing the years leading to its 1987 electoral victory. Alex Borg must ensure that he leads a party that can be trusted with running the econ- omy and that his is the party of law and order. If the mood crystallises against the Labour Party and the PN is able to take advan- tage of that, it could make for a path back to power. Yet it is still difficult for the PN to re- cover from a position of ex- treme unpopularity, and it will need to move rapidly to estab- lish itself as a credible govern- ment-in-waiting because, in a fragmented electorate, it is not the only choice on offer. But first, it must continue rebuilding its grassroots cam- paigning network, which was severely diminished; end the public infighting and senseless splits that characterised the final years of its government; and present a common-sense vision that contrasts with the current Labour government. The most frequently used phrase the public uses to de- scribe the PN is "out of touch". The new leader, Alex Borg, will have to consider how to avoid the mistakes of Simon Busut- til, Adrian Delia and Bernard Grech's leaderships, which appeared not to be able to re- late to ordinary people during their respective tenures. Along with that, Alex Borg will need to overcome an apparent pub- lic perception of being inexpe- rienced, overenthusiastic and often contradictory and prove himself to be a leader who can level with the public on the most pressing issues of the country. As a budding young leader, Alex Borg must be wary not to let his enthusiasm outpace his limited experience. His high energy risks leading him down a road where he starts prom- ising everything to everyone, causing him to appear arbi- trary and lacking in concrete, actionable policy, or failing to prioritise competing demands. His excessive enthusiasm can lead to rapid burnout, as he struggles to balance a demand- ing new workload with the need for strategic patience, and the frustration of slow, incre- mental progress. Alex Borg should be advised to pair his enthusiasm with men- torship, focus on building in- ternal party alliances, and learn to manage the game of politics rather than solely rely on pas- sion. The case for going back to basics is strong, but more important is authentically vo- calising the shared frustrations of the populace. Listening, in and of itself, isn't enough; the PN will need to demonstrate over and over again that it gets it and that it is the right choice to steward the country through turbulent times ahead. Above all, the PN must demonstrate it has learnt its lessons since 2013, specifical- ly regarding issues of trust, competence, and delivering on promises. It cannot control what missteps and crises will inevitably dog Labour in office, so to ensure the fastest possible recovery, it will need to get its house in order in record time. And that time may be even shorter than expected. PN leadership and restructuring challenges 10 maltatoday | WEDNESDAY • 25 MARCH 2026 OPINION Mark Said Veteran lawyer Above all, the PN must demonstrate it has learnt its lessons since 2013, specifically regarding issues of trust, competence, and delivering on promises PN Leader Alex Borg (Photo: James Bianchi/MaltaToday)