Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/313770
maltatoday, SUNDAY, 18 MAY 2014 II JAMES DEBONO FIVE years of austerity dictated by unelected technocratic bodies has eroded Europe's distinctive social model, which distinguishes it from the US style of neo-liberalism and Chinese and Russian-style authori- tarian models. The past years bore witness to the impoverishment of entire countries like Greece, as the EU rushed to rescue its banks in a bid to prevent an even greater catastrophe. Other countries have seen massive cuts in public expenditure. Often, national governments shift the blame on the EU rather than on their own prodi- gal ways. This blame game – coupled with the Commission's aloofness – has deepened the democratic deficit in the European Union. The per- ception that the EU is a heartless technocracy will probably result in a dramatic increase in the number of MEPs representing Euroscep- tic, neo-fascist and tea party-like populist groupings. Contrasting a faceless technocracy has been the greatest asset for these parties. The success of these extremist groups will be compensated by an affirma- tion of left wing parties who insist that, "another Europe is possible". But the weakening of the two centrist parties will probably make the election of EPP candidate Jean Claude Juncker and socialist can- didate Martin Schulz to the post of President difficult, unless the major parties converge on the candidate with the most seats. This could pave the way for a compromise candidate enjoying no popular legitimacy – a prospect likely to deepen Europe's democratic deficit. Polls now b e - t r a y a lack of interest among EU citizens for these elections, which are in turn regarded by some as the most important in the EP's history. Despite the bleak prospects facing Europe, the rise of populist move- ments on the right has also prompt- ed a vibrant response from within European civil society in the shape of a proposed New Deal for Europe calling for public investments fi- nanced by a carbon tax and a finan- cial transaction tax. If 1 million sig- natures are collected, this popular initiative may well set the agenda of the next parliament. The new 'kids' on the block The next parliament is likely to see a weakening of European centrist parties, namely the social democrats and the popular party, and an in- crease of euro-sceptic, far right and populist parties. Foremost among these are Geert Wilders Freedom Party, Nigel Farage's UK Independence Party, Marine Le Pen's National Front and Beppe Grillo's 5-star movement. Some of these, like Farage's UKIP, may be cast as the EU's equivalents of the tea party wing of the US re- publican party, characterised by a suspicion of big federal government and modern secular values. But the European Parliament is also set to host a contingent of even more extreme neo-nazi outfits like Jobbik and the Greek Golden Dawn, known for vigilante actions against gypsies and migrants and for their admiration of Russian President Vladimir Putin. M a - rine Le Pen's party also has roots in the neo- fascist right, though they have toned down their extremism to become more electable over the past few years. The FN also plays its Islamo- phobia as a defence of French secu- lar values and has also – awkwardly enough – supported Putin's destabi- lisation of the Ukraine, abandoning the Ukranian far right. Some of these parties, like Marine Le Pen's National Front Wilders' Freedom Party, may group together in a new right wing group. Others, like the UKIP and Beppe Grillo's protest movement, will probably shun any association with the far right. Grillo's party is actually largely ambivalent on immigration. In fact, an internal vote among party activ- ists had called on the Cinque Stelle MPs to vote in favour of decrimi- nalising immigra- tion. While cam- paigning against big business inter- ests at local level, the party panders to the economic grievances of the petite bourgeoisie –traditionally the constituency of the hard right. On the other hand, immigration features highly on the UKIP list of grievances, even if the party is at pains to distinguish itself from the far right. Both the UKIP and Grillo's movement have been dismissed by the establishment as indulging in bar talk, but their success also ex- poses the failures of a technocratic elite which has removed passion from political discourse. It is also doubtful whether MEPs elected on behalf of parties dedicat- ed to exclusively defend perceived national interests can collaborate with each other in the long run. One previous attempt to unite the Euro- pean far right failed after Romanians took umbrage of the French right's demonisation of Romanian mi- grants. Polls also predict an in- crease of the European left, which has united around the candidature of Greek opposition leader Alexis Tsipras who, unlike the euroscep- tics, tends favour more Europe in matters like taxation, investment and social protection but are ex- tremely critical of the neo-liberal direction taken by EU institutions. But the European Party proposing Tsipras is not without its contradic- tions; between a hard core which views the EU as an un-reformable capitalist institution and progres- sives like Tsipras, who want even more European integration in mat- ters like public investments. The group also tends to split on foreign policy issues, which are bound to feature in the next parliament's agenda in the wake of a mounting civil war Ukraine. The next EC President With just over one week to go until voting starts, the latest Poll- Watch2014 prediction puts the EPP ahead of S&D by only three seats: 212 to 209. On the other hand, non- attached MPs, which include some of the main eurosceptic parties, will increase from the current 33 to 95. The left will also increase its MEPs from 35 to 52. The EPP is set to see its share decrease from 274 to 212 while the Social Democrats will see a small increase. Other defenders of the European project, the left-leaning greens and the centrist liberals are also set to lose seats. There is no guarantee that the candidate of the European political party which wins most votes in 2014 will automatically become the head of the Commission. Bringing the EP elections forward Europe 2014 After austerity: the b eginning of the end? With Neo-Nazi thugs set to take seats along with a strong contingent of eurosceptic MEPs, are we assisting to the end of Europe as we know it or this serve as a waking call for a European new deal? like Greece, as the EU rushed to rescue its banks in a bid to prevent an even greater catastrophe. Other countries have seen massive cuts in public expenditure. Often, national governments shift the blame on the EU rather than on their own prodi- gal ways. This blame game – coupled with the Commission's aloofness – has deepened the democratic deficit in the European Union. The per- ception that the EU is a heartless technocracy will probably result in a dramatic increase in the number of MEPs representing Euroscep- tic, neo-fascist and tea party-like populist groupings. Contrasting a faceless technocracy has been the greatest asset for these parties. The success of these extremist groups will be compensated by an affirma- tion of left wing parties who insist that, "another Europe is possible". But the weakening of the two centrist parties will probably make the election of EPP candidate Jean Claude Juncker and socialist can- didate Martin Schulz to the post of President difficult, unless the major parties converge on the candidate with the most seats. This could pave the way for a compromise candidate enjoying no popular legitimacy – a prospect likely to deepen Europe's democratic deficit. Polls now b e - t r a y a lack of interest among EU citizens for these elections, which are in turn regarded by some as the most important in the EP's history. Despite the bleak prospects facing Europe, the rise of populist move- ments on the right has also prompt- ed a vibrant response from within European civil society in the shape of a proposed New Deal for Europe calling for public investments fi- nanced by a carbon tax and a finan- cial transaction tax. If 1 million sig- natures are collected, this popular known for vigilante actions against gypsies and migrants and for their admiration of Russian President Vladimir Putin. M a - rine Le Pen's party also has roots in the neo- fascist right, though they have toned down their extremism to become more electable over the past few years. The FN also plays its Islamo- phobia as a defence of French secu- lar values and has also – awkwardly enough – supported Putin's destabi- lisation of the Ukraine, abandoning constituency of the hard right. On the other hand, immigration features highly on the UKIP list of grievances, even if the party is at pains to distinguish itself from the far right. Both the UKIP and Grillo's movement have been dismissed by the establishment as indulging in grants. Polls also predict an in- crease of the European left, which has united around the candidature of Greek opposition leader Alexis Tsipras who, unlike the euroscep- tics, tends favour more Europe in matters like taxation, investment and social protection but are ex- tremely critical of the neo-liberal civil war Ukraine. The next EC President With just over one week to go until voting starts, the latest Poll- Watch2014 prediction puts the EPP ahead of S&D by only three seats: 212 to 209. On the other hand, non- attached MPs, which include some of the main eurosceptic parties, will increase from the current 33 to 95. The left will also increase its MEPs from 35 to 52. The EPP is set to see The new tea parties of Europe: Geert Wilders, Nigel Farage, Marie Le Pen and Beppe Grillo - their eurosceptic rhetoric will propel them to the top of the polls. Top: Alexis Tsipras - hope from the new European left