Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/1104601
11 maltatoday | SUNDAY • 14 APRIL 2019 NEWS Why the Maltese still reject the far-right had welcomed Josie Muscat amongst its 2017 candidates. Labour compensates for its liberalism on social liber- ties by resorting to a fiery patriotism when it comes to defending the country from "traitors" which tarnish the country's name, and lambast scritical MEPs as "envious" of Malta's success. On immigration, Labour manages to perform a bal- ancing act: between an open labour market policy cou- pled with some significant steps for the integration of migrant communities, and a firm stance against NGOs en- gaged in the rescue of immi- grants in the Mediterranean. It also manages to use a dis- course of economic national- ism to defend Malta's piratic tax regime so criticised by other European countries. Under Adrian Delia the PN has been more inclined to- wards social conservatism, turning its anti-abortion stance into a mark of iden- tity. It has also managed to tread between some legiti- mate concerns on cheap la- bour and pressures on infra- structure posed by the influx of foreign workers, and irra- tional fears of cultural influ- ence and change. For exam- ple, the way the PN media exploited a circular to nurses ordering them not to exhibit personal devotional items at work, attributing it to pres- sure of foreigners "of a differ- ent religion" put on Castille, smacked of the discourse used by conservative right- wing parties. While one may argue that the two major parties are in a way contributing to arresting the growth of the far-right, their discourse often ends up legitimising far-right dis- course and making the im- plementation of integration polices more difficult. No austerity, no anger It was years of austerity that eroded community bonds across Europe, which largely contributed to the growth of right-wing populism. This economic degradation coupled with the decline of centre-left mass parties, con- tributed to a climate in which the far-right could exploit tensions in left behind com- munities. Although Malta is facing growing social inequalities and problems like housing af- fordability, its welfare system remains intact as its economy keeps growing at a high rate, also thanks to the contribu- tion of thousands of foreign- ers. This may explain why concern on immigration in Malta is offset by awareness that the influx is beneficial to the people's financial well- being. In fact, foreign workers are often depicted in official propaganda as accessories to economic growth rather than full members of the Maltese community, which makes them a sort of necessary evil for the Maltese xenophobe. In this sense Muscat's mod- el of accelerated economic growth may have contributed to arresting the growth of the far-right. The risk is that a future economic downturn may well open the floodgates for the far-right. The Maltese far-right has undergone various incarnations, often modelled after chief instigators who freely spout anti- immigration rhetoric. At 73, the ultranationalist Norman Lowell has long lost his provocateur's sheen, and his latest TV appearances and small indoor rallies reveal a tired cache of racist jibes and racial fantasies. Despite being a reference point for those who in the early 2000s demanded the repatriation of African migrants rescued at sea, less extreme forces attempted to make their own political mark. The organisation Alleanza Nazzjonali Repubblikana brought out the man in suits, people like Martin Degiorgio, a historical re- enactment fanatic who headed the Mondial travel agency, and right-wing academic Philip Beattie, today a proponent of the Catholic conservative Malta Pro Christiana. The ANR led a first demonstration "against illegal immigration", and seemingly evolved into Azzjoni Nazzjonali, a right-wing party headed by former Nationalist MP Josie Muscat and the businessman Anglu Xuereb, which met its demise in the 2009 European elections. In the third wave of anti- immigration parties, the latest incarnation is that of the Moviment Patrijotti Maltin. Unlike the first waves of far-rightists reacting to the scenes of Maltese armed forces rescuing boat migrants, the 'patriots' wage a campaign against what they claim is "forced integration" and other progressive reforms in civil liberties enacted since 2013. With European strongmen like Matteo Salvini and Viktor Orban, and Marie Le Pen as their reference points, they use Islamophobia and Euroscepticism as ideological signposts. But with a campaign focused on more materialist concerns, you will hear the patriots complaining about high property prices, crime, and Maltese jobs displaced by both African migrants and skilled Europeans. The many incarnations of the Maltese far-right Angry white men: clockwise from left, Nazi apologist Norman Lowell and leader of Imperium Europa; the law-and-justice party Azzjoni Nazzjonali, with former Nationalist MP Josie Muscat (centre) and magnate Anglu Farrugia (second from left); Stephen Florian, formerly an MPM activist, is now running as an independent in the MEP elections; and Henry Battistino, the leader of the Moviment Patriotti Maltin, which claims the Maltese government wants to forcefully integrate foreigers