Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/576901
14 AT this point, it would be rather facile to point out that 'migration' is a difficult issue to address. Against a backdrop of corpses washing up on Mediterranean beaches, and Eu- rope's entire external border policy spontaneously combusting before our eyes, the sheer complexity of the phenomenon can no longer be un- derstated: if indeed it ever could. But 'migration' is problematic on other levels too. It is difficult to even talk about, as the day-to-day termi- nology associated with the subject is in itself ambiguous and loaded with controversy. What is a 'migrant', anyway? Al Jazeera recently took an editorial policy to eschew the word altogether, as it had assumed almost entirely pe- jorative connotations. MaltaToday (among various other news media) has followed suit; but not everyone necessarily agrees with the stance. Dr Maria Pisani, a lecturer at the Unversity of Malta's sociology de- partment, and founder of the Integra Foundation - is among those who reason that the word itself is not that easy to dispose of - as it corresponds to a reality that cannot really be de- scribed using alternatives such as 'refugee' or 'asylum seeker'. It may be a strange contention with which to open an interview on the subject of migration: but an impor- tant one nonetheless, as the topic un- der discussion is specifically whether our attitudes towards migration– and words are ultimately reflections of at- titudes – are sufficient to address the reality of the situation. "I can fully understand why Al Jazeera and MaltaToday made that shift," Dr Pisani begins in her office, tucked away in an improbable corner of the University's labyrinthine cam- pus. "'Migrant' has become almost a dirty word. But if you look at it in con- text: we have thousands of migrants in Malta. The majority of them did not come on boats. We have Euro- pean citizens, third country nationals from North America, South America, Asia; those from North Africa who do not seek asylum… the migration picture in Malta is very, very broad. So we need to be careful when speak- ing about 'migrants'. We're not just talking just about asylum seekers or refugees here… not just about black people, to be frank. The word applies to many other categories which face similar problems: access to housing, regular employment vis-a-vis exploi- tation on the black market; poverty, isolation. …" Elsewhere, replacement words such as 'refugee' may sound more ac- ceptable; but the word is not always used accurately. "Media outlets like yours and Al Jazeera use the word 'refugee' to ac- knowledge what these people are go- ing through… and I fully understand. But the term 'refugee' is directly re- lated to the 1951 Refugee Conven- tion; it's ingrained in international human rights law…" At this point I feel compelled to of- fer a defence of our policy. The word 'refugee' actually predates the 1951 convention by some count. It has a dictionary definition beyond its cur- rent legal usage: technically, anyone who seeks refuge is automatically a 'refugee', in the most basic sense of the word… "Very true," she agrees. "But ulti- mately, it is whether or not you are granted protection that determines whether you can stay [in any given country], and more importantly your access to rights. So my concern is not so much with using the word 'refu- gee', but with reclaiming the word 'migrant'. It should not be a bad word. All migrants have rights, and there are many very different kinds of migrants. Today, there are many displaced people who do not qualify for refugee protection, but it doesn't mean that shouldn't be protected in other ways…" This brings us to other, more cru- cial aspects of our broader attitudes towards the phenomenon. Leaving aside terminology, there is also the question of whether the legal and administrative structures that exist here in Malta – and also across the EU – are likewise 'up to date'. Malta, for instance, now faces Com- mission infringement procedures for failing to transpose two European directives concerning detention and reception conditions. And with the apparent collapse of Europe's eastern border, it remains highly debatable whether these directives (transposed or otherwise) are in themselves prop- erly geared to address the issue in the first place. Pisani herself mentioned the 1951 Refugee Convention. Times have changed since 1951, yet we still cling to treaties drawn-up to deal with sig- nificantly different situations… "Yes. 1951 was a very particular context. Today's reality is different. So it's also about looking at existing legislation and the degree to which it provides protection for forced migrants of many kinds. Take, for example, those who may have been displaced as a result of land-grabs, of famine, of natural catastrophes such as a tsunami... Many would find themselves in an insecure place after moving, so they'll have to move again… and again. They would not necessarily qualify for refugee status, but it doesn't mean that they are not deserving of protection…" But even though the profile and methods of migration are constantly shifting, there has been no corre- sponding shift in European policy to reflect these changes. Among the first thing that needs to be updated, Pisani suggests, is the attitude that regards today's mass-migration as a temporary glitch in a system that can somehow be 'fixed'. "I was having a discussion with a friend the other day, who's very con- cerned with the number of migrants coming at a very basic level. What I said was: 'you might like it; you might not like it… but you're not going to stop it.' This, I think, is the first thing we need to understand and accept. I use the term (which I made up) 'Homo migratis': essentially, to try and capture this notion that human beings have always migrated. This is nothing new. What we are seeing is an intensification of migration that coincides with globalisation…" What happened 15 years ago in Mogadishu did not have a direct impact on our lives, she adds. "But today, what happens in Mogadishu, Aleppo, or wherever, does. Even if you look at just the last 10 years since we started receiving asylum seekers: they would have used their contacts within smuggling networks, yes, and they may even have used mobile phones. But they certainly weren't using social media. Today, you can organise every aspect of the migra- tion process using social media. Just to give an idea how the context is changing…" The existing structures to counter this phenomenon, however, have not changed one bit: primarily because, in Pisani's words, "each of the 28 mem- ber states, despite legal international obligations, is doing everything it can to stall the process." "If you just look at the EU: there is a system in place - the external bor- ders, the whole notion of Dublin II, etc.- that never really worked. And what we've seen is a slow but now increasingly rapid implosion. The common asylum policy was never really going to happen; because ul- timately you have 28 member states each looking after its own interests and not working together..." Added to the fact that arrivals are increasing, and that international smuggling networks are growing more complex and effective, the resulting picture is not so much of a system that has not worked… but rather, a system that could not and cannot possibly work. "In 2013, when Malta was still re- ceiving large numbers of asylum ap- plications, some 80% of arrivals were given some form of protection. And it is estimated that 90% of those ar- riving in Greece and Italy today will qualify for protection. Under the present system, it's just not work- able…" Because of the numbers? "Not just because of that, but be- cause of the system. Of course the numbers are a challenge; but if we talk about a crisis, it is ultimately a political crisis. The humanitarian cri- sis is there, but much of it is the result of this political failure to ever agree. Any long-term policy is impossible when 28 member states look after only their own interest. 'Long-term' for a politician is essentially five years. It's all about whether or not they'll be re-elected. And at a very basic level: refugees, asylum seekers and other migrants don't have votes." Up to an extent it is a vicious circle: policies are formulated by govern- ments that respond to electoral pres- sure; and the more contentious the issue becomes, the harder it gets to agree on workable policies. "The whole issue of migration kicks up other issues such as border-con- trol, national identity, sovereignty… these are very hot issues. And when it becomes problematic… we see this in France, the UK, in Malta, in Hun- gary… migration becomes THE po- litical issue. What we've learnt from history is that walls don't work. Fenc- es don't work. But we don't seem to be learning from this reality…." All the same: while we can all agree that present strategies are ineffec- tive, the fact remains that no one really has any solution up his sleeve. The idea of limitless migration may sound all well and good on paper, but there are enormous logistical prob- lems involved… "I'm acknowledging the complexity of the issue, certainly. I'm not saying there are simple solutions, at all. But it goes back to my earlier point about not being able to stop it, whether we like it or nor. The reality is we are entering a new era. Now, either we are going to acknowledge this; and try and deal with this in a way that is manageable… or we're going to con- tinue to use the old ways, when we know that they don't work. You will not stop people from moving. You might be able to close the Hungarian border; but you can't close blue bor- ders. People are still going to come to arrive in Greece, Italy… and Malta, too, when this 'informal agreement' is over. It's a little like a water bal- loon. You can try and stop the water, but water will always find its own level. There will always be other gaps for it to pass..." Recent experience suggests her analogy is accurate: the 'main' migra- tion routes have clearly shifted from the central to eastern Mediterranean in recent months… after the EU launched a border control operation off the Libyan coast. "We can see how the routes have shifted every time a wall goes up. Yet over the past decade or more, the EU – and other countries, such as Aus- tralia – has focused only on contain- ment." Here she draws a hurried map of 'Africa' on a piece of paper (actu- ally it's just a triangle, but it serves its purpose). "One thing that's im- portant to keep in mind is that 86% of the world's refugees are hosted by the global south: including the poor- Interview By Raphael Vassallo maltatoday, SUNDAY, 27 SEPTEMBER 2015 This is the beginning The problem is we are still very much functioning on a nation- state basis: on a citizenship basis, where citizenship trumps human rights. But the world is changing. There needs to be a massive shift in the way we look at the entire issue PERSPECTIVE SHIFT You will not stop people from moving. You might be able to close the Hungarian border; but you can't close blue borders. HUMAN NATURE