Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/673696
maltatoday, SUNDAY, 1 MAY 2016 News 11 challenges in the next two years, Herrera may get an easier ride than Brincat. Muscat's defining moment? With Mizzi removed from deputy leader for party affairs, Muscat could consider bringing back in Toni Abela in what is mainly a symbolic post inside the PL, but it seems that the post will once again go to a Cabinet minister thus, as was the case with Mizzi, weakening the role of the par- ty as a watchdog on government. Muscat however faces some unhappi- ness from delegates who feel their com- mitment to support Mizzi in his one- horse race should not have been snubbed so easily. The fact that Muscat announced Mizzi's resignation from deputy leader in the context of the Cabinet reshuffle with- out internal party discussion, underlines his complete control over the PL. The post has been reduced to one which accommo- dates the leader's whims. What Muscat could be underestimat- ing is the strength of defining moments, where people feel betrayed or taken for a ride, especially considering that the ma- jority as confirmed in various polls, felt that the right thing for Muscat to do was to sack both Mizzi and Schembri. In 2013, Gonzi's already bleak elector- al chances had been ruined by his vote against divorce after the referendum, and before that with his attempt at raising ministerial salaries behind people's backs. So while Muscat wants to come across as a decision-maker, having maintained the status quo his strategy surely backfires with M.O.R voters baffled by having Kon- rad Mizzi stay on as minister. Reminiscent of Joe Mizzi's role as min- ister without portfolio under Alfred Sant back in 1996, even this latest move by Muscat may be a hard sale for the experi- enced convincer. And if Mizzi retains his ministerial secretariat, the change then is only merely symbolic. Muscat's decision ultimately demarcates the gap between Labour voters, a majority of which wanted the PM to retain Mizzi and Schembri, and the rest of the elector- ate: the seeds have been sown for a coali- tion of voters, switchers and undecided in- cluded, who dislike Muscat's way of doing things because he does not respect normal standards of political correctness. That's a feeling that even Labour voters (18% according to this newspaper's survey wanted Mizzi to go) might be struggling with. Betraying expectations? So Muscat now gives the Opposition an effective and legitimate battle-cry it pre- viously lacked. Muscat, who on all previ- ous occasions always chose to remove any albatross round his neck – Jason Micallef, Anglu Farrugia, Manuel Mallia, and Mi- chael Falzon – has failed to meet expecta- tions. Of course former Nationalist prime min- isters have traditionally stood by their ministers when faced by serious allega- tions of corruption. But this time Muscat has voters who can match his inaction on Panamagate with international examples, such as the prompt resignation of Spain's acting industry minister, Jose Manuel So- ria, who had formed a company in Panama years before becoming minister; and the prompt resignation of Icelandic Prime Minister Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson. Muscat also underestimates how expec- tations for good governance in Malta have increased substantially over the past dec- ade, especially since his election in 2013 was fuelled by these same expectations. He now works in an environment where civil society, the independent media and informed public opinion is all the more in- tensive and ready to keep those in power accountable. He may bank on economic success, but a segment of educated voters whose vote is also dictated by moral con- siderations, is watching his every move. What really stopped Muscat from sack- ing the two individuals is his personal loy- alty or obligations towards them. He may have wished for them to resign, possibly offering them a new role, but they refused. In itself this underlines Muscat's weakness when confronting his two closest allies in the government. After three years in power, his government has lost its sheen. A visionary reformist who came to power in 2013, Muscat has become a chess-player whose moves dictated by self-preservation. How could Muscat keep Mallia out in the cold when Mizzi was not sacked on a far more serious and politically damaging issue? Muscat underestimates how expectations for good governance increased substantially over the past decade maltatoday News Of course former Nationalist prime min- Muscat underestimates how expectations for good governance increased substantially over the past decade Pressured to take action on the Panama Papers revelations, Joseph Muscat decides, after two months, not to sack his chief of staff Keith Schembri, second from left, or energy and health minister Konrad Mizzi (right). He keeps Schembri by his side and also Mizzi, who is now minister without portfolio in the OPM, handling energy projects for the Prime Minister. Manuel Mallia (third from left) who was sacked as home affairs minister in 2014 over the Sheehan shooting incident, returns as minister for competitiveness - the only option for Muscat after deciding not to sack Mizzi on far graver accusations. Muscat also promotes Chris Fearne and José Herrera as ministers for health and environment, respectively; while kicking Leo Brincat up to the European Court of Auditors and giving Mallia free rein over the ninth electoral district. Inside Muscat's house of cards