Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/952911
maltatoday SUNDAY 11 MARCH 2018 News 17 "We are closer to Macron than to Di Maio" – PD leader Anthony Buttigieg "In Malta, support for new parties is only now beginning to happen as we were spared the worst of the financial crash and austerity. Discontent is growing with the perception that both main parties now work for their business sponsors rather than the general public, with both the middle and working classes beginning to struggle. In Europe discontent directed at the old political order was harnessed, either by populist parties and politicians such as M5S – who galvanised the electorate with sound-bites rather than policies – or new centrist movements offering a more citizen centric government like Macron's En Marche party and Ciudadanos in Spain. Partit Demokratiku is more like the latter than former." "Malta is going to the dogs" - former AD chairprerson Arnold Cassola "To be honest, I do not see this happening in Malta soon. Muscat has created a ruling yuppie governing class whose only concern is adulation and bootlicking of their political master, living the good life and making a quick buck for themselves, including fast pensions. Very sly gbejniet, indeed! When you have the political parties competing between themselves to serve the needs of business people of the ilk of Sandro Chetcuti and company, then you realise that this country has lost its basic moral fiber, without which no moral regeneration can take place. With Delia trying to be a cheap copy of Muscat, I can only see the country's ethics and basic values going further to the dogs." Economic collapse could open floodgates for populists – Ingram Bondin, environmentalist and anti-censorship campaigner "In my opinion the rise of a force similar to M5S in Malta is not to be excluded. Growing discontent with brazen corruption, clientelism and the control of politics by self-interest lobbies is already present. The political system is also not as stable as it once was. One can see this in how the PN is struggling to rehabilitate itself after its long years in office. On the other hand the centre-left no longer exists in Malta because the Labour Party has no social conscience. Problems such as the housing crisis are not being tackled seriously and are going to grow and affect greater segments of society. "The fact that this problem is being exacerbated by the sudden increase of foreigners working in Malta could also create problems with immigration and lead to greater euro-scepticism. The missing ingredient so far seems to be an economic crisis which creates problems of mass unemployment. One could, however, argue that the country is over exposed to certain sectors whose permanence cannot be guaranteed and whose winding down risks creating grave problems for public finances and for other sectors of the economy now reliant on them. "Such a time of distress could allow populist parties to sweep the country". movement and those of PD MP Marlene Farrugia. Like Beppe Grillo, Farrugia also has a tendency of making a spectacle through the use of col- ourful language. A case in point was the over-reaction she pro- voked from Clint Camilleri after she called him a gbejna (cheese- let). Farrugia also shows an af- finity with local rural traditions in a similar way that the M5S has thrived in a celebration of south- ern identity. But unlike the M5S, the PD has aligned itself with the European Liberals and presents itself as a mainstream centrist party. It is the economy (and Muscat) stupid But ultimately there is one fundamental difference between Malta and the rest of Southern Europe, which explains why we had no local version of the insur- rection against established par- ties. While new anti-corruption political movements in Spain and Italy have thrived on anger created by economic stagnation and the lack of job prospects, in Malta the economy is booming, to the extent that our labour market is attracting thousands of workers from Sicily. In fact M5S was also focused on bread and butter issues: of- fering the unemployed masses in the south the promise of a na- tional basic income. Joseph Muscat's movement is also characterised by a peculiar brand of populism which re- volves on his ability to square the circle by extending welfare and public expenditure while still decreasing taxation. This was partly achieved by exploit- ing Malta's small island reality as a low tax base and point of entry for the global rich in to the Euro- pean union. In many ways despite warm- ing up to big business as Matteo Renzi did in Italy, Muscat has so far managed to make the average working-class voter richer and happier. The mixture of busi- ness-friendly policies character- ised by a 'can do' approach to policy-making, a dose of social liberalism and his strongman posture turn Muscat in to the great exception of European pol- itics. While keeping the barbar- ians far away from Malta's gates, Muscat has also taken upon himself some of their attributes, appropriating the spirit of the populist insurgency while still ensuring a high score in Malta's credit rating. This is why Muscat periodi- cally lashes against the establish- ment and local traditional elites while projecting his party as a movement in which he assumes the central role of a presidential leader. Doubts on the sustain- ability of the Muscat model are simply not enough to propel an insurrection. While scandals – like Panama- gate, and the many skeletons left in the closet by past PN govern- ments which periodically return to haunt the Opposition – have taken their toll on the trust en- joyed by the two main political parties, trust in Muscat keeps growing. Meanwhile, third parties have not capitalised on the momen- tum of civil society activism un- leashed by the murder of jour- nalist Daphne Caruana Galizia and the distrust among a cat- egory of PN voters in new oppo- sition leader Adrian Delia. So far polls indicate that these voters are either undecided or bent on not voting, an indication that, faced by the prospect of an even stronger Labour party, forecasts a strong possibility that they may close ranks again. Do or die for third parties? Next year's European elections represent a major test for Mal- tese third party politics. With the Opposition in tatters and with voters not being expected to choose who will govern the country, circumstances should be favourable for third parties. It was back in the first MEP elec- tions 2004 that Arnold Cassola came closest in undermining the two-party hegemony by coming close to winning a seat in the Eu- ropean Parliament. Still one major factor in this election may well be migration. Any decision by a future Italian government not to renew the unwritten agreement to take all migrants rescued in Malta's search and rescue zone, may boost the Maltese far right. Back in 2014 – 6,761 voters had opted for Norman Lowell who is far more extreme than the Italian Lega. Yet the Maltese far right still lacks a charismatic leader like Matteo Salvini. jdebono@mediatoday.com.mt New anti- corruption political movements in Spain and Italy thrived on anger created by economic stagnation, But in Malta the economy is booming, attracting thousands of workers from Sicily % of vote parties other than PN or PL got in postwar general and MEP elections Year % Seats 1947 22.5 9 1950 40 16 1951 25.6 11 1953 17.3 3 1955 3 0 1962 24.1 8 1966 8.7 0 1971 1 0 1976 0 0 1981 0 0 1987 0.3 0 1992 1.7 0 1996 1.5 0 1998 1.2 0 2003 0.7 0 2004 11.8 0 2008 1.8 0 2009 4.7 0 2013 1.8 0 2014 6.6 0 2017 2.8* 2 * Includes 1.6% who voted PD candidates in PN list MEP elections marked in red