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MT 30 November 2014

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maltatoday, SUNDAY, 30 NOVEMBER 2014 News 11 a Presidential pardon was given to Joseph Fenech (aka Zeppi il-Hafi)… among other things, over a drug traf- ficking charge. As with the Queiroz affair, Labour's media machine was quick to capital- ise on the enormous political advan- tages afforded by this messy state of affairs. Calleja was eventually acquit- ted, in a case which arguably dented Fenech Adami's reputation as a po- litical leader who (in the eyes of his supporters, at any rate) could do no wrong. The inescapable impression that arises from all these cases is that 'drugs and politics' make for an ar- guably lethal cocktail, to be handled with the utmost care. But there are also indications that times have changed… and with them, the per- ception of both drugs and politics. 'Helping the victim' Contacted by this newspaper, Beppe Fenech Adami – shadow min- ister for justice (and, by an interest- ing coincidence, the son of the prime minister who introduced many of the laws in question) – does not predict any major political earthquakes as a result of this proposal. "Bear in mind that the bill itself has only just been tabled… in fact I've just picked it up and intend to read it thoroughly tonight," he said when contacted this week. "But when the white paper was launched a few months ago, the party issued a statement to the effect that we agree that drug users, people found to be in simple possession of drugs, should not be punished, but helped." Fenech Adami nonetheless reiter- ates the traditional view that, while the victims of drug use need help, the law should remain unchanged when it comes to drug pushers. "We must distinguish first and foremost between victims and traf- fickers. Certainly there should be no leniency shown towards traffick- ers. But with victims, the situation is different. Today, all major schools of thought are in line with the view that punishing the victim does more harm than good. This is why we be- lieve that drug users should at least be given a chance to kick the habit." As long as the proposed bill sticks to this basic principle – "and from what we've seen so far, this would ap- pear to be the case" – Beppe Fenech Adami foresees no political difficulty in pushing the reform through. The 'schools of thought' referred to by Fenech Adami also include Malta's main drug rehabilitation service pro- viders: though significantly, agencies such as Caritas retain serious reser- vations about decriminalisation. Paradoxically, Fenech Adami him- self had earlier expressed doubts about the reform: in particular with regard to the proposed classification system which will distinguish be- tween different drugs on the basis of harmfulness. In July, he was quoted as saying that "the white paper should be guided by the common good rather than com- mon sense," adding that: "classifying between hard and soft drugs would be unwise as it would invariably jus- tify or encourage the consumption of the other so-called inferior drug." A few months later, the political rhetoric seems to have been toned down. And this may point towards other significant changes to the po- litical landscape in recent years. All liberals now Malta's changing attitudes to drugs seem to follow on directly from the country's changing attitudes towards other social issues. On this level, too, there are analogies between the situation today, and that of the early 1990s when the war on drugs was at full pitch. Twenty years ago, the National- ist government under Eddie Fenech Adami was arguably at the pinnacle of its political achievements. The Opposition, on the other hand, lay in tatters following almost a decade un- der Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici; and its new leader Sant, elected in 1992, was roundly pooh-poohed at the time as a continuation of the much-maligned 'Old Labour' (having been president of the party in the 1980s). Much the same applies to today's scenario, only with the roles reversed. Muscat's Labour administration is still riding the crest of a wave that landed it in government with an un- precedented nine-seat majority; the PN under Simon Busuttil is strug- gling to find its feet after the same wave swept it out of office in March 2013. And like Sant in 1992, Busuttil is portrayed by his adversaries (fairly or unfairly) as a straight continuation of his predecessor's legacy. Part of that legacy involves a repu- tation for social conservatism, which took a severe knock with the divorce referendum of 2011. Busuttil has committed himself to changing the Nationalist Party tack following the divorce debacle; but immediately, his plan hit a snag when the PN voted against civil union legislation in par- liament… earning itself rebukes from the LGBT community. From this perspective, Muscat's timing in raising the issue of drug de- criminalisation might also be viewed as a political strategy in its own right. The Nationalist opposition today has reason to be wary of projecting itself as an arch-conservative party, in a milieu which has shifted consider- ably towards the more liberal politi- cal centre. Could Muscat's decision to play the decriminalisation trump card precisely now – when the Opposi- tion appears to be clawing its way back – also be a political ruse to force the traditionally right-wing PN into a position where it may alienate its more liberal supporters? If so, he is likely to be disappointed, as the PN does not look likely to take the bait at this stage. The medical revolution One of the more innovative aspects of the proposed legislation concerns the regulation at law of 'medical mar- ijuana': and it is arguably here that the possibility of political discord may arise. Claudio Grech, shadow minister for health, hinted in comments to this newspaper that the bill may give rise to additional health problems "Specifically from a health policy standpoint, we [the PN parliamentary group] believe that there are multiple aspects which need to be duly con- sidered in the legislative process." These aspects include the change in the usage pattern of prohibited drugs arising out of the proposed landscape. "This would have to be considered both from physical and mental health perspectives for those who consume these drugs. In this regard, the im- pact of increased or decreased pro- hibited drugs usage is also a relevant matter from a health policy stand- point, since it will invariably have an impact on healthcare patterns which the national health service needs to provide for." Grech also predicts that "increased or decreased prohibited drugs con- sumption can have also a series of public health considerations which have a bearing on the wider public health and which need to be actively considered in this regard." But it is in the use of cannabis as a medical treatment in its own right that the bill is likely to have its great- est impact on public perceptions. Former health minister Godfrey Farrugia – who contributed directly to the proposed bill – explains that part of the new law was inspired by his own experience as a medical practitioner. "I was pleased to note that the prime minister mentioned cases where cancer patients had to smug- gle medications based on cannabis into the country, because under the current laws they are illegal," he said. Farrugia himself had encountered such cases, and it was on the basis of this personal experience that the bill was broadened to also regulate can- nabis-based treatments for terminal illnesses such as cancer, multiple sclerosis and even AIDS. "It must be pointed out that we are talking about symptomatic relief, and not a cure," Farrugia added: pointing out that apart from the mind-altering agent which is widely used recrea- tionally, cannabis also contains other chemical compounds (known as can- nabinoids) which can be isolated and used in the treatment of specific ail- ments. "Cannabis has over 240 chemical components, 84 of which are cannab- inoids… and of these, only three have been scientifically demonstrated to be effective medically. There are in- dications that others may also have benefits… but in the scientific world it is what is proven that counts." Contrary to widespread perception, 'medical marijuana' is not the same thing as the cannabis one might buy from a street dealer. "We are talking about chemical preparations approved by interna- tional medical authorities. These are highly specialised drugs which make use of the chemical components of the isolated, beneficial cannabi- noids." The products themselves tend to be administered either in the form of drops ingested orally, or as an aerosol spray (of the kind commonly associ- ated with asthma). Certainly, none of these medicines can be 'smoked', in the same way as the popular recreational drug de- rived from the same plant. But even if medical marijuana bears no resemblance to the street drug of the same name, the fact that the plant itself is acknowledged to possess medical properties – and, equally significantly, that these will be regulated at law with the consent of both parties – may in the long term do more to change perceptions of drugs than the proposed decrimi- nalisation itself. rvassallo@mediatoday.com.mt politics – a lethal cocktail? Claudio Grech Godfrey Farrugia

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