Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/429113
maltatoday, SUNDAY, 7 DECEMBER 2014 News 11 ently been in favour of tax cuts and its aversion to subsidies for public services like public transport. Ironically the PL has caught up with the PN on tax cuts, but still seems keen on government spend- ing on matters like childcare. The neoliberal sale of citizenship is prob- ably the pivot for this balancing act. This is reminiscent of the early 1990s when Eddie Fenech Adami's first ad- ministration also managed to reduce the maximum tax rate from 50% to 35%, while still strengthening the welfare state, thanks to economic growth and a disregard for rising deficits and public debt. Ultimately in a two-party system it is inevitable that both parties seek to fill niches where they can outma- noeuvre each other. But if not framed in a coherent narrative such pander- ing to different interest groups may ultimately backfire when the chick- ens come back home to roost. The new PN identity What is positive is that de Marco has opened a debate in his party on its ideological identity. It is not clear how this debate, along with others like that on political appointments and whether Malta should have a full time parliament, will be followed up by the PN. Parties lack structures for debate. Neither do they have organ- ised groups representing different strands of opinion. No such debate was conducted in Labour before it embarked on con- troversial policies such as the selling of passports and the privatisation of energy. Even in Opposition the PL's transformation into a liberal party was conducted without much internal debate, to the extent that the party did not even take a stance on divorce while its leader actively backed the 'yes' campaign. The challenge for the PN is to conduct an authentic, open debate which finds common ground among its various strands while leaving room for diversity. It remains a ques- tion whether Simon Busuttil wants to emulate Muscat's choreographed presidentialism, or whether he sees himself as leader of a more real but more complicated coalition which may include different movements, ideological currents and (if he really has a more Europeanised disposi- tion) parties. But more important than assem- bling a coalition is providing a nar- rative which is credible and that ap- peals to the sum of the parts in the same way as "Malta Taghna Lkoll" resonated before the elections. So far Busuttil's gamble on 'hones- ty', which comes too close to the par- ty's last murky years in government, has paid off only partly – thanks to the Manuel Mallia debacle. It also remains a precarious plank, as one can be sure that Labour will still have plenty of Nationalist skeletons to be brought out on the eve of the next election. Where the PN still has an advan- tage is its reputation, merited or not, for serious government, based on a sense of bureaucratic rational- ity which made people overlook the flaws of PN governments for quite some time. Yet such a claim also came as a result of being perceived as 'a party of government', an aura which could fast disappear as Mus- cat's party becomes more ingrained in power. If endorsed by his party, de Marco's centre-left narrative may be translated in a defence of the "com- mon good" from crony capitalism and short-term approaches to social issues like the sustainability of pen- sions. Ironically, just as the perception of GonziPN as a restricted circle monopolising power was vital for the construction of Labour's inclu- sive electoral block, it is the actions of the PL in government which can make or undo the PN's chances for a quick recovery. If there's one thing that would bring back this 'evil clique' – to borrow Franco Debono's sobriquet – it is that lethal combina- tion of cronyism and condescending machismo, the ultimate turn-off for voters who see themselves as either enlightened conservatives, liberals or even left-wing voters. For Muscat, the greatest problem is that in just two years Labour is already perceived as a self-perpet- uating regime where political, ad- ministrative and economic power is increasingly intertwined, something which happened to the PN over a longer stretch of time (also thanks to a weaker media scrutiny during the early Fenech Adami days). If Muscat does not fail in the economy, charges of cronyism will probably not be enough to bring a change of government in three and a half years' time, but could erode the yawning gap between the two par- ties, paving the way for a change in government in 2023. become a centre-left party? Where the PN still has an advantage is its reputation, merited or not, for serious government Mario de Marco - opened a debate in his party on its ideological identity Simon Busuttil – his gamble on 'honesty' comes too close to the party's last murky years in government