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12 LAST Friday, when I made my way to the French Embassy for this interview, the hunt was still on for the gunmen who had murdered Stephane 'Charb' Charbonniere, editor of Parisian satirical comic Charlie Hebdo, and nine members of staff. Since that time, the terror- ists have been killed after a bloody hostage crisis; retaliatory acts of vi- olence have been reported in vari- ous parts of France… and while not necessarily directly connected with Wednesday's attack, the follow- ing day another Islamist extremist network – Nigeria's Boko Haram – perpetrated an attack that left a staggering 2,000 dead. This took place after my meet- ing with Mr Depetris: but it gives an indication of the sheer scale at which things are developing on the international front. Clearly, this is a critical moment for the countries affected by terrorist attacks such as Wednesday's carnage in Paris. And as the intended target was not just a French magazine, but also an underlying principle that lies at the very heart of post-Enlightenment Europe: the freedom to express opinions, even when these are of- fensive to others… that includes all people around the world who cher- ish human rights. Even so, the principle at stake is particularly dear to the French Re- public, which was founded on the battle-cry of 'Liberte', Egalite, Fra- ternite' in the late 19th century. Yet it bears mentioning that France (and indeed, all of Europe) in 1789 was a far more homogenous soci- ety than it is today. The changing demographics since the days of the Enlightenment also imply that France has meanwhile assimilated people from different cultures, where such concepts are perhaps alien or mistrusted. So it is my unpleasant duty to open fire with an uncomfortable question. Does Wednesday's attack, and all it rep- resents, also suggest that the Re- publican ideals of France may not be working in today's more hetero- geneous country? Does it indicate, in brief, that the main aims of the revolution may have failed? "I don't think so," Depetris begins. "On the contrary, I think the reac- tion and expression of solidarity, in Europe and around the world, is the living image of this belief in such values as freedom of speech and expression. And these were also among the aims of the revo- lution. I would say it signifies the success of such ideas since the 18th century. As you mentioned, these values are very intimately linked with the emergence of the French Republic… it goes back to Voltaire, who said he would die for your right to speak, even if he disagrees with what you say. It is one of our core values, as French President Fran- cois Hollande reaffirmed yesterday. And we will keep on fighting for it. I was very pleased to see that French citizens who gathered yesterday in Place Republique, in Paris, were saying the same: 'We are not afraid'. It was one of the slogans… we will keep saying what we think, we will defend our freedom of speech and of the press. These are the same values that were epitomised by these cartoonists who were killed. I'm also very pleased to see that the ones who survived the attack, members of the editorial staff, have declared they will publish the next issue of Charlie Hebdo. In this respect at least, the at- tempt to stifle freedom of speech not only failed but also backfired. Depetris tells me that the print-run of the next issue of Charlie Hebdo will run into a million copies: far more than its usual circulation. "It's a statement, to show that free- dom of speech is alive and well, and that they will keep saying what they think. It is very encouraging also to see all these spontaneous gath- erings, in France, but also around the world outside the French em- bassies… even here in Malta." [A public vigil was held in St Julian's on the same day]. "What this suggests is that we are all in the same boat. Our values were attacked, but we will defend them. I would like to thank again the Maltese government for its strong message of solidarity. When the Prime Minister said yesterday 'Today we are all French', it was re- ally, really appreciated: here at the embassy, but also in France." At the same time, there is an un- comfortable reality underpinning all that has occurred. We must acknowledge that random acts of terrorism are not the only thing to worry about now. There are indica- tions of a spread of violence, and even by Friday there had already been retaliatory attacks aimed at Muslim targets. There are also po- litical movements throughout Eu- rope that will no doubt exploit the fear and outrage provoked by this attack to foster a culture of hatred and intolerance. Against this back- drop, is France gearing up for a 'clash of cultures', of the kind that right-wing groups are always happy to predict? "It's true that after such an attack one of the main threats we have to deal with is an increase of hatred and mistrust among the popula- tion. The French President was very clear on this issue: we are and we should remain united, one people. Among us, of course, we are differ- ent. Different religions, different provenance, different social levels. But we are all French citizens. We should all live together under Re- publican rules. It is important to reaffirm that the values of the Re- public of France, as a nation and a democracy, is to respect any kind of religion, any kind of free way of thinking, and that people are sup- posed to live together under these common rules." Depetris also reasons that the anti-Muslim sentiment, while ex- pressed by many loud voices, is not necessarily as widespread as it is sometimes portrayed. "I was pleased to note that it was not just politicians, but also French citizens interviewed in the streets who were in favour of reaffirming this unity. They were very com- mitted to avoid any kind of racist comments or hate speech against Muslims. Because these extrem- ists are ultimately a threat for the Muslim community in France. It is not targeted so much at the French people, it's more directly against the Muslim community." There are an estimated 5-6 million Muslims living in France today, and by all accounts the vast majority are either indifferent or opposed to the sort of extremist violence we saw on Wednesday. It has, in fact, been argued that the purpose behind the attack on Charlie Hebdo was spe- cifically to change all this: to pro- voke retaliation against moderate Muslims, in the hope of precipitat- ing more violence and facilitating the recruitment of more volun- teers. Nor is it just Islamist terror cells who stand to benefit: in times of open racial hostility, the radi- cal right also has a field day when it comes to recruiting and con- vincing. Does the government of France expect a dramatic escalation of violence… such as, for instance, when the 2005 race riots of a Paris- ian suburb spread throughout the country, and precipitated a state of emergency? "We should certainly be aware of this danger, and avoid such retalia- tions. That is why it is really impor- tant that speeches or public com- ments by the authorities impart the same message. I think it will be the case. This Sunday there will be a big demonstration in Paris, and in major cities across the world, which will be attended by all politi- cal parties committed to defend the Republican values. It's important to show this unity among the political spectrum and society at large..." At the same time, part of the con- sequence of a terror attack like this is that fears normally associated with extreme factions may be given far wider credence. One such fear concerns the fact that European de- mographics suggest Islam is a fast- growing religion in Europe. This may also be in part due to a falling birth-rate in most European coun- tries; either way, the argument goes – and I must stress that it is made by others – that in time, Europe will be forced to cede more and more of its principles, as immigrant com- munities make more demands. Are Europeans justified in wor- rying that the values we cherish so much may be threatened by the long-term implications of demo- graphics change? "I wouldn't say so, no. France has one of the highest birth-rates in Eu- rope…" Well, the country does have a cer- tain reputation to defend… "Perhaps," he replies with a laugh. "But when we look at the birth-rate, the statistics show that migrants have higher birth-rates when they arrive, but by the next generation it drops to the same level as the na- tional average. "I am aware there is a theory spreading – 'Le Grand Remplace- ment'…" [The Great Replacement – which argues that at the present rate Europe will be 'taken over' by Islam in a few decades] "It's play- ing with fire and playing with fear. They want to attract an audience by saying we should be afraid of this … but we shouldn't be afraid of this, because first of all the links between the two sides of the Mediterranean are not only one-way. Things can change, and the migration flows are not the same as 20 years before or 30 years before. "Most migrants to France used to come from Italy and Portugal. Now it's completely different: they come from all over the world, from China, Africa, etc. Immigration to us is an also an added value. But we may have difficulties thinking this way in the light of the economic crisis…" Meanwhile, speaking of efforts to ignite inter-cultural hostilities in France: it must be pointed out that there may also be grievances beyond the immediate goals of ter- rorism. Racial tension has often been felt in France before, as the aforementioned 2005 riots confirm. More recently, the ban of the Burqa likewise sparked a controversy over minority rights. Like it or not, this also points towards a subtext of discontent underpinning race re- lations in France, and no doubt all over the rest of Europe, too. Regardless of Islam, there seems to be many within the Muslim community who feel they are a downtrodden or side-lined minor- ity. Could it be then, that the emer- gence of radical Islamic groups such as Al Qaeda and ISIS is the tip of the iceberg of a much deeper malaise? "I hope not. But I don't think so. You mentioned the burqa is- sue: but it was only an extreme minority of Muslims who were concerned with this law. The over- whelming majority of Muslims is perfectly integrated in the French community. It's just a few people who could be tempted by radical- ism, who are drawn to extremist speeches, and who could choose to radicalise and commit these kinds of crimes. These few exist; but they are first of all criminals, not Mus- lims. They are criminals, and they try to invoke some kind of ideologi- cal background to justify their acts; but we cannot confuse the Muslim community with the behaviour of such criminals. Of course, what is happening around the world… the Syria crisis, Al Qaeda and ISIS net- works and attitudes… they are all part of the background. The French government is well aware that this Interview By Raphael Vassallo maltatoday, SUNDAY, 11 JANUARY 2015 We're all Charlie CRIMINALS They are first of all criminals, not Muslims. We cannot confuse the Muslim community with the behaviour of such criminals VALUES We are all in the same boat. Our values were attacked, but we will defend them