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maltatoday, SUNDAY, 21 MAY 2017 12 Analysis 2013 vs 2017: A tale THERE could be no fitting con- trast than that between the cho- reographed launch of Labour's electoral campaign at midnight on 7 January, 2013 and the an- nouncement of the election at a mass meeting in Castille Square on May 1. Presenting his campaign slogan Malta Taghna Lkoll live on TV just one minute after the clock struck midnight Muscat outlined his vision: "Malta is for all of us because Malta is neither mine, nor is it of some other politician. It's not a country that belongs to some clique. It's the country that belongs to everybody because we are a united people, and we are de- termined to see our country taken away from the clique and given back to the people, irrespectively of how they vote." Four years later in Castille Square, Muscat called for an elec- tion while addressing a mass meet- ing. In his speech, a bullish Muscat was exultant, hitting triumphal- ist notes – "we have become the envy of Europe" – to belittling his adversary, describing his rival Si- mon Busuttil as a "weak character" whose "thirst for power" meant he had no problem dragging Malta's name through the mud. The only similarity with 2013 was that Labour seemed more prepared for the occasion than the Nationalist Party, gaining an early edge in the campaign in terms of billboards and proposals. But gone was the inclusive ap- proach and emphasis on meritoc- racy of the 2013 campaign. Instead a more bullish Labour, which also enjoys the power of incumbency, is basing its campaign on its eco- nomic track record. Yet on this point it is the Opposition, which seems to be setting the tone of the campaign and putting the govern- ment on the defensive. This is a complete reversal of 2013 when Gonzi warned about the risk of Labour upsetting the cart, after Malta's economy had survived the global financial crisis. For the election campaign is be- ing fought mainly on the corrup- tion issue with Muscat ultimately relying on being absolved on Panama company Egrant to wash away all other accusations of im- propriety. The unity factor Muscat started the 2013 cam- paign exploiting the divisions which led to the premature fall of the Gonzi government, which was ultimately brought down by Franco Debono in a budget vote. Through the campaign Muscat projected the image of an inclusive party, which was open to switch- ers from the other side. This time round it is the PN which is exploit- ing divisions from the other side. While the alliance with Marlene Farrugia's Democratic Party did not come as a surprise, Godfrey Farrugia's decision to contest with the PD under the PN's umbrella gave a new impetus to the PN's campaign. For the soft-spoken and conciliatory Farrugia may well provide a role model for switchers. Labour's counter-move, that of fielding Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando in the same district as Farrugia, did not have the same effect simply because Pullicino Orlando formed part of the 2013 wave of switchers who were rewarded by the PL in government. One contrast exploited by Mus- cat in 2013 was the PN's divisive pitch in its bid to rally its core vot- ers. This pitch was cemented by Si- mon Busuttil's gaffe (in his role as Gonzi's deputy leader) in a debate about Deborah Schembri having a "Nationalist face". While Muscat is still exploiting this tactic with Busuttil, the PN leader is also at- tempting an inclusive pitch, ap- pealing directly to Labourites. Be- cause indeed Busuttil now needs more Labour faces to win the cam- paign. Oil scandal vs Panama While Panamagate preceded the coming election by a year, the oil scandal erupted during the early stage of the 2013 electoral cam- paign, when MaltaToday revealed it. Judging by polls conducted be- fore the election, the oil scandal was not itself a game-changer but served to reinforce the views of switchers who had already decided to vote for the PL. The oil scandal itself did cast a shadow on former PN ministers Austin Gatt and Tonio Fenech on their relationship with the protag- onists of the case. The granting of a presidential pardon to oil trader George Farrugia was also made during the campaign. The 2017 election itself was called in the wake of the latest allegations of kickbacks to Muscat's chief of staff Keith Schembri and the more sensational allegation by Daphne Caruana Galizia, backed by the tes- timony of a whistleblower, that off- shore company Egrant belongs to Michelle Muscat. Judging by polls before the election, Panamagate had already eroded Labour's 2013 lead but not enough to deprive the party of a comfortable majority. The first post-electoral polls sug- gest that this is still the case even if these allegations have reinforced the views of voters shifting back to the PN. But it may also be the case that a category of voters is reserv- ing judgement to the last moment. The seriousness of the Egrant allegation has so far obscured the less sensational but equally seri- ous and more detailed evidence presented by Simon Busuttil to the inquiring magistrate on Schembri. The Prime Minister himself has cast a dark shadow on his own party by going to the polls imme- diately instead of waiting for the results of inquiries on both cases, raising the question of whether the polls are being used as a way to short-circuit a judicial process. But Egrant has also given him the After four years of governing in prose after winning an election where he campaigned in poetry, Muscat tried the blitzkrieg gamble – a short campaign meant to devastate the opposition. Is it paying off? JAMES DEBONO asks The two parties' logos of this year's elections are strikingly similar This billboard from 2013 epitomised the tribalism in the PN's discourse

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