Issue link: https://maltatoday.uberflip.com/i/779073
maltatoday, SUNDAY, 29 JANUARY 2017 15 was the wrong word. Even May's visit to the US, and the idea of those two countries combin- ing to form some kind of 'global leadership'... it is to be expected. But we also have to be realistic and pragmatic. For the UK, trade with the US represents only one third of trade between the UK and the rest of Europe. So I think it's much more important for the UK to strike a good deal with the EU, than with America. In any case, with Donald Trump being so pro- tectionist and so insistent on his 'America First' policy, I don't think he will be too keen on flooding the USA with British goods, services or even people. Britain has to tread carefully there..." All along, however, there are in- dications that Brexit is indicative of a wider problem. This is not the first time popular democracy has clashed with the direction taken by the EU. Other examples in- clude the rejection of the Lisbon and Nice Treaties by individual member states. Doesn't this sug- gest that the EU is intent on forg- ing ahead in spite of warning shots from European electorates? "I agree. Every time we get a re- sult that is perceived not to be in the EU's interest, we say 'this is a wake-up call'. My fear, however, is that we wake up for five minutes, then immediately go back to sleep. How many times do we have to get this sort of signal or message before doing something about it? And what can we do? Prime Min- ister Muscat likes to say: we have to address bread and butter is- sues... issues that concern citizens. Agreed. But Europe is also about a vision: we have to come up with a new narrative that keeps us work- ing together in this union. "It has to be about addressing citizens' concerns, yes; but it also has to give people something to aspire to... something to dream about again. The original vision of the founding fathers – visionaries of the Union... Schuman, Adenau- er, De Gasperi... even Churchill... they all looked beyond the neces- sity of 'winning the next election'. Sometimes I get the impression that European politicians adapt their policies only to what attracts more votes. If Le Pen is doing well in the [French] opinion polls... what will Fillon do? He will most likely adopt some of her rheto- ric to try and stop losing votes to the extreme right. That seems to be happening in many European countries. So while we do have to address popular concerns, we have to be careful not to simply accom- modate those concerns..." He admits it's not an easy tight- rope to walk. "I understand that politicians need to be pragmatic, and listen to the people. But they also have to provide leadership. When, in Mal- ta, we had the issues of divorce and civil unions... and the agreement was brought forward that 'Malta was not ready'... the response was that unless you legislate, this change would never come. Legis- lation brings about the change in mentality. So at times, politicians also have to show the way. They have to be leaders, not followers..." Meanwhile there seem to be other contradictions. The EU it- self is ultimately the product of globalisation... the movement is away from the nation state model, and towards a more globalised economy based on the free flow of goods, services, etc. Yet when we talk about migration, the EU's enthusiasm for 'globalisation' sud- denly seems to dissipate. Is it a case that Europe can have its cake and eat it? We want to be 'globalised' in economic terms... but staunchly nationalistic when it comes to mi- gration, citizenship, etc? "I see how it might seem like a contradiction. If one of the EU's fundamental values is solidarity... what is the limit of that solidarity? Are we talking only about solidar- ity between people born in differ- ent EU states... or with the entire human race? There are, to me, also very fundamental values such as the basic dignity of every human person. One of the most pressing issues the EU faces is that it has so far failed to come up with a com- prehensive EU policy on migra- tion. And this is important for the EU's credibility. It is also some- thing that Malta is, rightly, push- ing for. But it hasn't happened. So far there has been a lot of talk: every time people drown in large numbers, there are summits... meetings... reports... but again, it's another 'wake-up call'. Perhaps we stay awake for five days instead of five minutes... but we still go back to sleep afterwards." Why does he think it has proved so difficult to formulate a common EU policy? Is it a reflection of sys- temic flaws in the composition of the EU itself? "On this issue, the problem is mainly with the individual mem- ber states. Every time a decision is taken, it is the member states that raise objections. The Prime Minis- ter said this in his address to the European Parliament last week: the EP and the European Com- mission are two institutions that are pushing forward a common policy. The stumbling block is that individual countries then fail to implement what was decided and agreed upon. Then, of course, you have the contrast between how migration is experienced in differ- ent parts of Europe. You have dif- ferences in cultural perceptions, in approaches... again, coupled with electoral concerns. Look, for in- stance, at how migration is likely to affect the forthcoming elections in Germany. This may have a di- rect bearing on how Europe con- fronts the entire issue..." But Xuereb maintains that while it is important to confront such is- sues as they arise, something more fundamental is missing from the equation. "I think we are being short-sight- ed when we keep on allowing our response to the crisis to take place fundamentally on a national level only. I think it should be a con- certed European response. But that depends on the political will of the member states... and so far, that simply does not exist." Interview The European Union seems to be facing its worst-ever existentialist threat. MEUSAC chief VANNI XUEREB argues that to regain its relevance, the Union must come up with a new vision narrative PHOTOGRAPHY BY JAMES BIANCHI